Summary
Our results show that this sample of Canadians is not highly technophobic. While some technological ‘events/affects’ do precipitate higher levels of fear, most technological innovations have been accepted and integrated into respondents' daily lives. This finding is consistent with earlier research reviewed.
Some respondents did experience technophobia. In an attempt to explain the differences among the technophobia scores, five hypotheses were explored. Religious membership and religiosity were not related to TRS. Gender, occupation and residence did show a moderate correlation.
One intention of the present study was to replicate Gardiner's study using a different Canadian sample. For the most part, results of the present work parallel those of Gardiner (See Table II).
The results described here have both theoretical and practical implications. The reluctance of some individuals to accept ‘technological’ innovations may, as in the case of ‘math phobias’ be a result of specific socializing experiences, created out of a unique social structure in which they find themselves (‘trained incapacity’). Because technophobia is frequently not easily discernible, corrective (remedial) measures are usually not employed. In addition, the relationship between technological attitudes and behaviour should be explored controlling for gender, social class, age, education, occupation and related threatening conditions such as automation.
Of course, the question asked; e.g., “Are you frightened...,” may not be the only question of importance or even the best possible. One might ascertain the degree of rust which repsondents have in technolical devices. For example, the computer that handles billing for city utilities or banks, or the current use of computers in medical diagnosis, are situations involving trust. One might seek to measure the degree to which respondents feel uncomfortable with technology because it is not directly accountable, and is not subject to the normal interpersonal sanctions that tend to reinforce reciprocity and fairness. That is, one might utilize a measure relating to situations in which technology replaces ‘responsible’ persons.
At a more practical level, the results suggest that a total acceptance of the technological revolution has not occurred. Hence, the introduction of new technology of some types will continue to be questioned and, as some writers have suggested, will be actively rejected. Under what conditions might an anti-technology movement develop? The basis of such a movement may not be a fear of technological devices only, but of the surrender of personal responsibility and control to technology and technicians. Or such a movement might be based on a rational assessment of the obsolescence of one's skills as technology threatens more and more jobs (McLuhan, 1980).
This study is exploratory, tentative, and very narrowly construed; even so, technophobia is a social fact which will, sooner or later, have to be dealt with more effectively as Canadian society continues to participate in the technological revolution.
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We would like to thank Dr. W. L. Gardiner of GAMMA Research Services and Dr. Dorothy Philips, Department of Communications, Ottawa, for making available some of their original work on technophobia and for permission to use the technophobia scale. This research was partially supported by a research grant from Dalhousie University.
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Frideres, J.S., Goldenberg, S., Disanto, J. et al. Technophobia: Incidence and potential causal factors. Social Indicators Research 13, 381–393 (1983). https://doi.org/10.1007/BF00318077
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/BF00318077