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A constraint on remnant movement

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Abstract

This paper addresses a peculiar asymmetry that arises with so-called remnant movement in German, that is, movement of an XP from which some other movement has already applied. It appears that an XP from which scrambling has taken place can undergo topicalization or wh-movement (thereby creating a trace that is not bound at S-structure), but not scrambling or left dislocation. It is argued that this apparent movement type asymmetry cannot be accounted for by invoking the notion of reconstruction, as has sometimes been suggested. Rather, the pertinent constraint on remnant movement follows from a principle of Unambiguous Domination which states that a trace with a (not necessarily c-commanding) antecedent in a position of type α must not be dominated by a category in a position of the same type α. Under this view, any movement type may in principle apply to a remnant XP — whether or not remnant movement is possible depends on whether or not the remnant XP ends up in a position that is formally different from the position occupied by the antecedent of the unbound trace. This prediction is shown to be corroborated by additional empirical evidence drawn mainly from German and English. Finally, the conceptual status of the Unambiguous Domination requirement is clarified.

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For helpful comments on this paper, I would like to thank Steve Abney, Kirsten Brock, Samuel Epstein, Danny Fox, Jochen Geilfuß, Günther Grewendorf, Hubert Haider, Tilman Hohle, Kyle Johnson, Shin-Sook Kim, Hap Kolb, Uli Lutz, Juliane Möck, Frederick Newmeyer, Bernhard Rohrbacher, Joachim Sabel, Ken Safir, Hubert Truckenbrodt, Arnim von Stechow, Craig Thiersch, Sten Vikner, Chris Wilder, the NLLT reviewers, and, in particular, Wolfgang Sternefeld. I am also grateful to the audiences of the 19th GGS meeting in Zürich (1993), and the 9th Comparative Germanic Syntax Workshop at Harvard (1994). Usual disclaimers apply. Research was supported by DFG grant ST 525/89.

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Müller, G. A constraint on remnant movement. Nat Lang Linguist Theory 14, 355–407 (1996). https://doi.org/10.1007/BF00133687

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