Advertisement

Zeitschrift für Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik

, Volume 12, Issue 3, pp 333–356 | Cite as

Wer solche Freunde hat, braucht keine Feinde mehr! Eine Analyse von Großmächten in konfliktiven Kooperationen

  • Iris WurmEmail author
Studie
  • 28 Downloads

Zusammenfassung

Dass Großmächte die Politik von kleineren Partnern bestimmen und kontrollieren, ist ein Trugschluss. Vielmehr ist es nicht unüblich, dass Kooperationspartner die Interessen ihres Patrons unterlaufen und ihm sogar schaden. Der Text geht daher der Frage nach, was die Beweggründe von Großmächten sind, mit Staaten zu kooperieren, die ihrer Reputation und ihren Interessen schaden. Zunächst werden theoretische Erklärungsansätze für das Phänomen der konfliktiven Kooperation identifiziert, welche im Anschluss auf die Kooperationen China und Nordkorea sowie USA und Saudi-Arabien angewendet werden.

Schlüsselwörter

Großmächte Kooperation Kooperationspartner China USA 

With Friends Like These, who Needs Enemies? An Analysis of Great Powers in Conflictive Cooperation

Abstract

The assumption that great powers exert significant control over their allies and also influence their policies is a fallacy. In fact, it is not uncommon that allies undermine the interests of their patrons and even damage their reputation. This raises the question what actually motivates great powers to engage in cooperation with states that obviously hurt their reputation and interests? The article explores the phenomenon of conflictive cooperation and identifies a set of theoretical explanations, which will help to analyze the relationships between China/North Korea and USA/Saudi-Arabia.

Keywords

Great powers Cooperation Patron China USA 

Literatur

  1. Abir, M. (1998). Saudi Arabia in the oil era. Regime and elites; conflict and collaboration. Kent: Routledge.Google Scholar
  2. Aburish, S. (1995). Ölscheichs und Tyrannen. Der märchenhafte Aufstieg und Verfall des saudiarabischen Königshauses. München: Droemer Knaur.Google Scholar
  3. Adler, E. (1992). The emergence of cooperation: National epistemic communities and the international evolution of the idea of nuclear arms control. International Organization, 46(1), 101–145.Google Scholar
  4. Ahmadian, H. (2018). Iran and Saudi Arabia in the age of Trump. Survival: Global Politics and Strategy, 60(2), 133–150.Google Scholar
  5. Axelrod, R. (1997). The complexity of cooperation: Agent-based models of competition and collaboration. Princeton: Princeton University Press.Google Scholar
  6. Baer, R. (2003). Sleeping with the devil: How Washington sold our soul for Saudi crude. New York: Three Rivers.Google Scholar
  7. Baxter, K., & Simpson, K. (2015). The United States and Saudi Arabia through the Arab uprisings. Global Change, Peace & Security, 27(2), 139–151.Google Scholar
  8. Black, I. (2016, 20. Apr.). Obama’s chilly reception in Saudi Arabia hints at mutual distrust. The Guardian. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/apr/20/barack-obama-saudi-arabia-visit-king-salman-relationship. Zugegriffen: 11. Juni 2017.
  9. Blancke, S., & Rosenke, J. (2011). Blut ist dicker als Wasser. Die chinesisch-nordkoreanische Militär- und Geheimdienstkooperation. Zeitschrift für Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik, 4(2), 263–294.Google Scholar
  10. Blankenship, B. (2017). Promises under pressure: Reassurance in asymmetric alliances. https://academiccommons.columbia.edu/doi/10.7916/D8281QPF. Zugegriffen: 08. Feb. 2019.
  11. Bowman, B. L. (2005). Realism and idealism: US policy toward Saudi Arabia, from the Cold War to today. Parameters: US Army War College Quarterly, 35(4), 91–105.Google Scholar
  12. Braml, J. (2015). Amerikas Realpolitik. Zeitschrift für Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik, 8(3), 359–368.Google Scholar
  13. Brock, L. (1999). Krieg der Wirtschaftswelten? Der „demokratische Frieden“ im Kontext der Globalisierung. In E. Anselm, A. Freytag, W. Marschitz & B. Marte (Hrsg.), Die neue Ordnung des Politischen (S. 217–226). Frankfurt am Main: Campus.Google Scholar
  14. Bronson, R. (2004, 09. Juli). The U.S.-Saudi love affair predates Bush. Los Angeles Times. http://articles.latimes.com/2004/jul/09/opinion/oe-bronson9. Zugegriffen: 12. Juni 2017.
  15. Bronson, R. (2006). Thicker than oil: America’s uneasy partnership with Saudi Arabia. New York: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
  16. Bush, G. W. (2002a, 25. Apr.). Remarks following the discussions with Crown Prince Abdullah of Saudi Arabia and an exchange with reporters in Crawford, Texas. In G. W. Bush (Hrsg.), Public papers of the President of the United States: George W. Bush (2002, Book I) (S. 667–669). https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/PPP-2002-book1/pdf/PPP-2002-book1-doc-pg667.pdf. Zugegriffen: 24. Okt. 2019.Google Scholar
  17. Bush, G. W. (2002b, 12. Sep.). Remarks prior to discussions with President Hamid Karzai of Afghanistan in New York City. In G. W. Bush (Hrsg.), Public papers of the President of the United States: George W. Bush (2002, Book II) (S. 1577). https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/PPP-2002-book2/pdf/PPP-2002-book2-doc-pg1577.pdf. Zugegriffen: 24. Okt. 2019.Google Scholar
  18. Bush, G. W. (2004, 12. Juli). Remarks at the Oak Ridge National Laboratory in Oak Ridge, Tennessee. In G. W. Bush (Hrsg.), Public papers of the President of the United States: George W. Bush (2004, Book II) (S. 1287–1292). https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/PPP-2004-book2/pdf/PPP-2004-book2-doc-pg1287.pdf. Zugegriffen: 24. Okt. 2019.Google Scholar
  19. Bush, G. W. (2005, 01. Aug.). Statement on the death of King Fahd bin Abd al-Aziz Al Saud of Saudi Arabia. In G. W. Bush (Hrsg.), Public papers of the President of the United States: George W. Bush (2005, Book II) (S. 1289). https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/PPP-2005-book2/pdf/PPP-2005-book2-doc-pg1289.pdf. Zugegriffen: 24. Okt. 2019.Google Scholar
  20. Bush, G. W. (2006, 09. Feb.). Remarks to the National Guard Association of the United States. In G. W. Bush (Hrsg.), Public papers of the President of the United States: George W. Bush (2006, Book I) (S. 217–225). https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/PPP-2006-book1/pdf/PPP-2006-book1-doc-pg217.pdf. Zugegriffen: 24. Okt. 2019.Google Scholar
  21. Byrnes, J. (2016, 06. Jan.). Trump: China has ‘total control’ over North Korea. The Hill. http://thehill.com/blogs/ballot-box/presidential-races/264908-trump-china-should-rein-in-north-korea. Zugegriffen: 14. Nov. 2019.
  22. Casillas, R. J. (1987). Oil and diplomacy: The evolution of American foreign policy in Saudi-Arabia 1933-1945. New York, London: Garland.Google Scholar
  23. Cathcart, A. (2017, 08. März). North Korea doesn’t trust China an inch. Foreign Policy. http://foreignpolicy.com/2017/03/08/north-korea-doesnt-trust-china-an-inch/. Zugegriffen: 15. Juni 2017.
  24. Cha, V. (2012). The impossible state: North Korea, past and future. New York: Harper Collins.Google Scholar
  25. Chen, J. (2003). Limits of the ‘lips and teeth’ alliance: An historical review of Chinese-North Korean relations. Asia Program Special Report, (115), 4–10.Google Scholar
  26. Chung, J., & Choi, M. (2013). Uncertain allies or uncomfortable neighbors? Making sense of China-North Korea relations, 1949-2010. The Pacific Review, 26(3), 243–264.Google Scholar
  27. Clinton, W. J. (1994, 16. Feb.). Remarks announcing the aircraft contract with Saudi Arabia and an exchange with reporters. In W. J. Clinton (Hrsg.), Public papers of the Presidents of the United States: William J. Clinton (1994, Book I) (S. 263–265). https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/PPP-1994-book1/pdf/PPP-1994-book1-doc-pg263-2.pdf. Zugegriffen: 24. Okt. 2019.Google Scholar
  28. Conge, P., & Okruhlik, G. (2009). The power of narrative: Saudi Arabia, the United States and the search for security. British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, 36(3), 359–374.Google Scholar
  29. Cook, K., Hardin, R., & Levi, M. (2005). Cooperation without trust. New York: SAGE.Google Scholar
  30. Cooper, A. S. (2012). The oil kings: How the U.S., Iran and Saudi Arabia changed the balance of power in the Middle East. New York: Simon & Schuster.Google Scholar
  31. Cordesman, A. (1997). Saudi Arabia: Guarding the desert kingdom. Boulder (CO): Westview.Google Scholar
  32. Council on Foreign Relations. (2002). Strengthening the U.S.-Saudi relationship. A paper prepared for the Independent Task Force on America’s Response to Terrorism. http://www.mafhoum.com/press5/150P81.htm. Zugegriffen: 07. Feb. 2019.
  33. Freeman, C. (Hrsg.). (2015). China and North Korea: Strategic and policy perspectives from a changing China. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.Google Scholar
  34. Gehlen, M. (2017, 21. Mai). Ein Präsident nach Saudi-Arabiens Geschmack. Zeit Online. http://www.zeit.de/politik/ausland/2017-05/donald-trump-saudi-arabien-sunnitische-allianz-iran. Zugegriffen: 11. Juni 2017.
  35. Gilpin, R. (1981). War and change in world politics. New York: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
  36. Gold, D. (2003). Hatred’s kingdom: How Saudi-Arabia supports the new global terrorism. Washington, D.C.: Regnery.Google Scholar
  37. Grieco, J. (1996). State interests and institutional rule trajectories: A neorealist interpretation of the Maastricht Treaty and the European Economic and Monetary Union. In B. Frankel (Hrsg.), Realism: Restatement and renewal (S. 261–308). London: Routledge.Google Scholar
  38. Hadar, L. (2017, 26. Mai). Reembracing the strategy that guided Washington for most of the post-1945 era. The American Spectator. https://spectator.org/trumps-middle-east-strategy-takes-shape/. Zugegriffen: 11. Juni 2017.
  39. Haggard, S., & Noland, M. (2010). Sanctioning North Korea: The political economy of denuclearization and proliferation. Asian Survey, 50(3), 539–568.Google Scholar
  40. Hart, P. (1998). Saudi Arabia and the United States: Birth of a security partnership. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.Google Scholar
  41. Hermann, M., & Kegley, C. (1995). Rethinking democracy and international peace: Perspectives from political psychology. International Studies Quarterly, 39(4), 511–533.Google Scholar
  42. Hertog, S. (2002). Kooperation hinter den Kulissen. Die Doppelbödigkeit der amerikanisch-saudischen Allianz. Blätter für deutsche und internationale Politik, (10), 1217–1226.Google Scholar
  43. Holsti, O., Hopmann, P., & Sullivan, J. (1973). Unity and disintegration in international alliances. New York: University Press of America.Google Scholar
  44. Hubel, H. (1995). Das Ende des Kalten Kriegs im Orient: Die USA, die Sowjetunion und die Konflikte in Afghanistan, am Golf und im Nahen Osten, 1979-1991. Auswirkungen für Europa und Deutschland. München: Oldenbourg.Google Scholar
  45. Huntington, S. (1996). Kampf der Kulturen. Die Neugestaltung der Weltpolitik im 21. Jahrhundert. New York: Simon & Schuster.Google Scholar
  46. Ikenberry, G. (1998). Institutions, strategic restraint, and the persistence of American power order. International Security, 23(3), 43–78.Google Scholar
  47. Indyk, M. (2002). Back to the bazaar. Foreign Affairs, 81(1), 75–88.Google Scholar
  48. Jewish Virtual Library. (o.J.). Ronald Reagan administration: Statement welcoming King Fahd of Saudi Arabia (February 11, 1985). https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/president-reagan-statement-welcoming-king-fahd-of-saudi-arabia-february-1985. Zugegriffen: 12. Juni 2017.
  49. Ji, Y. (2001). China and North Korea: A fragile relationship of strategic convenience. Journal of Contemporary China, 10(28), 387–398.Google Scholar
  50. Keohane, R. (1971). The big influence of small allies. Foreign Policy, (2), 161–182.Google Scholar
  51. Keohane, R. (1984). After hegemony: Cooperation and discord in the world political economy. Princeton: Princeton University Press.Google Scholar
  52. Kim, M. (2017, 02. Jan.). Sino-North Korean relations: Blood allies without mutual trust. Asia Dialogue. https://theasiadialogue.com/2017/01/31/sino-north-korean-relations-blood-allies-without-mutual-trust/. Zugegriffen: 11. Juni 2017.
  53. Kissinger, H. (1982). Memoiren. 1973-1974. München: Bertelsmann.Google Scholar
  54. Kluge, S. (2000). Empirisch begründete Typenbildung in der qualitativen Sozialforschung. Forum Qualitative Sozialforschung, 1(1). http://www.qualitative-research.net/index.php/fqs/article/view/1124/2497. Zugegriffen: 24. Okt. 2019.Google Scholar
  55. Kong, T. Y. (2018). China’s engagement-oriented strategy towards North Korea: Achievements and limitations. The Pacific Review, 31(1), 76–95.Google Scholar
  56. Lee, C. (1996). China and Korea: Dynamic relations. Stanford: Hoover Inst. Press.Google Scholar
  57. Liegl, M. (2017). China’s use of military force in foreign affairs. The dragon strikes. Abingdon: Routledge.Google Scholar
  58. Lippman, T. W. (2005). Inside the mirage: America’s fragile partnership with Saudi Arabia. Boulder (CO): Westview.Google Scholar
  59. Long, D. E. (1985). The United States and Saudi Arabia: Ambivalent allies. London: Westview.Google Scholar
  60. Mabon, S. (2017). Muting the trumpets of sabotage: Saudi Arabia, the US and the quest to securitize Iran. British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, 45(5), 742–759.Google Scholar
  61. Mason, R. (2014). Back to realism for an enduring U.S.‐Saudi relationship. Middle East Policy, 21(4), 32–44.Google Scholar
  62. Mastro, O. S. (2018). Why China won’t rescue North Korea. What to expect if things fall apart. Foreign Affairs, 97(1), 58–67.Google Scholar
  63. Matthies, V. (1987). Der Ogadenkrieg zwischen Somalia und Äthiopien von 1977/78: Ursachen, Verlauf und Folgen. Africa Spectrum, 22(3), 237–253.Google Scholar
  64. Midlarsky, M. (1988). The onset of world war. Boston: Routledge.Google Scholar
  65. Miller, B. (1995). When opponents cooperate: Great power conflict and collaboration in world politics. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.Google Scholar
  66. Ming, L. (2003). China and the North Korean crisis: Facing test and transition. Pacific Affairs, 76(3), 347–373.Google Scholar
  67. Ming, L. (2012). Changes and continuities in China policy. In K.-A. Park & S. A. Snyder (Hrsg.), North Korea in transition: Politics, economy, and society (S. 211–238). Lanham: Rowman and Littlefield.Google Scholar
  68. Moore, G. J. (2008). How North Korea threatens China’s interests: Understanding Chinese ‘duplicity’ on the North Korean nuclear issue. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, 8(1), 1–29.Google Scholar
  69. Morrow, J. (1991). Alliances and asymmetry: An alternative to the capability aggregation model of alliances. American Journal of Political Science, 35(4), 904–933.Google Scholar
  70. National Energy Policy Development Group. (2001, 16. Mai). National Energy Policy. https://www.nrc.gov/docs/ML0428/ML042800056.pdf. Zugegriffen: 20. Feb. 2019.
  71. Peterson, J. E. (2002). Saudi Arabia and the illusion of security (Adelphi Paper 348). London, New York: Routledge.Google Scholar
  72. Plant, T., & Rhodes, B. (2013). China, North Korea and the spread of nuclear weapons. Survival: Global Politics and Strategy, 55(2), 61–80.Google Scholar
  73. Pollack, J. (2002). Saudi Arabia and the United States, 1931-2002. Middle East Review of International Affairs, 6(3), 77–102.Google Scholar
  74. Posner, G. L. (2005). Secrets of the kingdom: The inside story of the secret Saudi‑U.S. connection. New York: Random House.Google Scholar
  75. Prados, A. (2003, 04. Aug.). Saudi Arabia: Current issues and U.S. relations. CRS Issue Brief for Congress. http://www.iwar.org.uk/news-archive/crs/23196.pdf. Zugegriffen: 24. Okt. 2019.
  76. Price, G. (2002, 01. Sep.). Saudis remember FDR’s broken promise. Baltimore Sun. http://articles.baltimoresun.com/2002-09-01/topic/0208310033_1_saudi-arabia-ibn-saud-king-of-saudi. Zugegriffen: 19. Apr. 2017.
  77. Riedel, B. (2016, 13. Juli). What the Iran deal has meant for Saudi Arabia and regional tensions. Brookings. https://www.brookings.edu/blog/markaz/2016/07/13/what-the-iran-deal-has-meant-for-saudi-arabia-and-regional-tensions/. Zugegriffen: 11. Juni 2017.
  78. Riedel, B. (2018). Kings and presidents: Saudi Arabia and the United States since FDR (Geopolitics in the 21st century). Washington, D.C.: Brookings.Google Scholar
  79. Scobell, A. (2003). China and North Korea: The limits of influence. Current History, 102(665), 274–278.Google Scholar
  80. Scobell, A. (2004). China and North Korea: From comrades-in-arms to allies at arm’s length. Carlisle: Strategic Studies Institute.Google Scholar
  81. Scobell, A. (2017, 08. Juni). China and North Korea: Bolstering a buffer or hunkering down in Northeast Asia? RAND Corporation. https://www.uscc.gov/sites/default/files/Scobell_Written%20Testimony.pdf. Zugegriffen: 06. Feb. 2019.
  82. Shear, M. D., & Hubbard, B. (2016, 20. Apr.). Obama and King Salman of Saudi Arabia meet, but deep rifts remain. The New York Times. https://www.nytimes.com/2016/04/21/world/middleeast/obama-arrives-in-saudi-arabia-amid-a-new-round-of-contention.html. Zugegriffen: 12. Juni 2017.
  83. Siverson, R., & King, J. (1980). Attributes of national alliance membership and war participation, 1815-1965. American Journal of Political Science, 24(1), 1–15.Google Scholar
  84. Snyder, G. (1991). Alliance theory: A neorealist first cut. In R. Rothstein (Hrsg.), The evolution of theory in international relations (S. 83–105). Columbia: University of South Carolina Press.Google Scholar
  85. Song, W., & Sangkeun, L. (2016). China’s engagement patterns towards North Korea. Pacific Focus, 31(1), 5–30.Google Scholar
  86. Stork, J. (1980). Saudi-Arabia and the U.S. Middle East Research and Information Project Reports, (91), 24–30.Google Scholar
  87. Teitelbaum, J. (2003). A familiy affair: Civil-military relations in the Kingdom of Saudi-Arabia. Paper presented at the Fourth Mediterranean Social and Political Research Meeting. 13.-19. März 2003. Florenz.Google Scholar
  88. The White House. (2002, 17. März). Press conference by Vice President Dick Cheney and His Highness Salman bin Hamad Al Khalifa, Crown Prince of Bahrain at Shaikh Hamad Palace. Manama, Bahrain. http://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/vicepresident/news-speeches/speeches/vp20020317.html. Zugegriffen: 20. Feb. 2019.
  89. The White House. (2017, 21. Mai). President Trump’s speech to the Arab Islamic American Summit. https://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2017/05/21/president-trumps-speech-arab-islamic-american-summit. Zugegriffen: 11. Juni 2017.
  90. Triepel, H. (1974). Die Hegemonie. Ein Buch von führenden Staaten. Aalen: Scientia.Google Scholar
  91. Tsebelis, G. (1988). When do allies become rivals? Comparative Politics, 20(2), 233–240.Google Scholar
  92. Unger, C. (2004). Die Bushs und die Sauds. Öl, Macht und Terror. München: Piper.Google Scholar
  93. Ury, W., & Smoke, R. (1991). Anatomy of a crisis. In W. Breslin & J. Z. Rubin (Hrsg.), Negotiation theory and practice (S. 47–54). Cambridge (MA): Program on Negotiation.Google Scholar
  94. U.S. Department of Defense. (1995, 18. Mai). Working with gulf allies to contain Iraq and Iran. http://archive.defense.gov/Speeches/Speech.aspx?SpeechID=909. Zugegriffen: 18. Feb. 2019.
  95. U.S. Department of State. (2002a, 06. Mai). Remarks with foreign minister Prince Saud Al Faisal of Saudi Arabia after their meeting. https://2001-2009.state.gov/secretary/former/powell/remarks/2002/9959.htm. Zugegriffen: 24. Okt. 2019.
  96. U.S. Department of State. (2002b, 27. Nov.). Remarks with Greek foreign minister George Papandreou after their meeting. https://2001-2009.state.gov/secretary/former/powell/remarks/2002/15544.htm. Zugegriffen: 24. Okt. 2019.
  97. U.S. Department of State. (2002c, 03. Dez.). Press briefing on board plane. https://2001-2009.state.gov/secretary/former/powell/remarks/2002/15668.htm. Zugegriffen: 24. Okt. 2019.
  98. U.S. Department of State. (2004, 24. Juni). Interview by Arab journalists. https://2001-2009.state.gov/secretary/former/powell/remarks/33938.htm. Zugegriffen: 24. Okt. 2019.
  99. Vitalis, R. (1997). The closing of the Arabian oil frontier and the future of Saudi American relations. Middle East Report, (204), 15–25.Google Scholar
  100. Vitalis, R. (2006). America’s kingdom: Mythmaking on the Saudi oil frontier (Stanford studies in Middle Eastern and Islamic societies and cultures). Stanford: Stanford University Press.Google Scholar
  101. Walt, S. M. (2017, 06. Sep.). Making the Middle East worse, Trump-style. Foreign Policy. http://foreignpolicy.com/2017/06/09/making-the-middle-east-worse-trump-style-saudi-arabia-qatar-iran-israel/. Zugegriffen: 11. Juni 2017.
  102. Weaver, M., Haas, B., McCurry, J, & Borger, J. (2017, 03. Apr.). Trump says US will act alone on North Korea if China fails to help. The Guardian. https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2017/apr/02/donald-trump-north-korea-china. Zugegriffen: 11. Juni 2017.
  103. Weber, M. (1968). Die Objektivität sozialwissenschaftlicher und sozialpolitischer Erkenntnis. In M. Weber (Hrsg.), Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Wissenschaftslehre (S. 146–214). Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr.Google Scholar
  104. Wirth, T. E., Boyden, G., & Podesta, J. D. (2003). The future of energy policy. Foreign Affairs, 82(4), 132–155.Google Scholar
  105. Wurm, I. (2013). Die Kooperation des Hegemons USA mit Saudi-Arabien und Pakistan. Fremde oder Freunde? Baden-Baden: Nomos.Google Scholar

Copyright information

© Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, ein Teil von Springer Nature 2019

Authors and Affiliations

  1. 1.Institut für PolitikwissenschaftGoethe-Universität Frankfurt am MainFrankfurt am MainDeutschland

Personalised recommendations