Abstract
Political apologies are commonly imagined as gestures of finality and closure: capstone moments that summate public knowledge. One manifestation of these assumptions is the position that apologies should be timed to come only after appropriate investigation into the wrongdoing has been completed. This article takes a different view, for two reasons. First, even apologies that seem based on robust knowledge can come to seem incomplete or inadequate in the light of subsequent learning and knowledge. Second, because apologies are complexly embedded in longer-term processes of activism and response, they can contribute to their own unravelling by encouraging further consideration and inquiry. We develop these arguments by considering two Canadian cases that illustrate these dynamics: apologies that addressed, respectively, the wartime internment of Japanese Canadians and the policy of forcing Indigenous children to attend residential schools.
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Notes
This and the following two paragraphs draw on James (2018).
The Settlement Agreement and supporting materials are available at http://www.residentialschoolsettlement.ca/english_index.html.
This and the following paragraph draw on James (2018).
The text is at https://www.aadnc-aandc.gc.ca/eng/1100100015644/1100100015649; a video is at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=e72Z-XGk7Jc.
An early example is Marilyn Buffalo of the Cree nation and then President of the Native Women’s Association of Canada; she responded almost immediately to the 1998 statement, criticizing the “men [who] accepted this apology without asking the rest of us” and calling the residential schools policy a “crime of genocide … covered up for decades.” Quoted in Canadian Alliance in Solidarity with the Native Peoples (1998).
Indeed, the substance of the 2008 apology cleaved closely to the demands outlined by the NRSSS in an open letter to the prime minister on 3 June, 2008, http://www.newswire.ca/news-releases/apology-to-indian-residential-school-survivors---open-letter-from-ted-quewezance-to-the-prime-minister-536190761.html.
The War Measures Act, in force from 1939 to 1945, empowered the federal cabinet to pass laws as orders-in-council, without the approval of the legislature. Similar powers were extended after the war as the federal government steered demobilization. The uprooting, internment, dispossession, and deportation of Japanese Canadians—along with dozens of other policies regulating their lives (and those of other Canadians)—were enacted as orders-in-council. For a useful discussion of the War Measures Act and Japanese-Canadian challenges to their treatment during the 1940s, see Izumi (2000).
Author correspondence with Vivian Rygnestad, May 2017.
Prior to this point, selected forms of property had been seized and, in some cases, sold by the federal government, most notably fishing vessels (see Stanger-Ross et al., 2017). Order-in-Council 1665 was the first to take into consideration all of the property of uprooted Japanese Canadians.
Dollar amount converted to 2017 dollars (CAD).
As noted above, these were important, but not the exclusive, origins of the policy.
Among its lead academic investigators, two (Pamela Sugiman and Audrey Kobayashi) previously held positions in the NAJC and one (Kobayashi) was actively engaged in the Redress movement. Co-applicants in elementary and secondary education (Greg Miyanaga and Michael Perry-Wittingham) began working in Japanese-Canadian history by developing teaching resources on internment and redress. The original Chair of the project’s Community Council and current Steering Committee member, Art Miki, was the NAJC President in 1988 and signed the Redress agreement on behalf of the organization. The subsequent Council Chair was Vivian Rygnestad. Mary Kitigawa, also a key advisor, campaigned for UBC’s reconciliation with its expelled Japanese-Canadian students.
Indeed, these differences in public knowledge and inquiry about the cases explain why our account of the Vancouver dispossession in this paper is more finely grained than its residential schools counterpart.
For example, Vancouver’s 2013 Year of Reconciliation and the 2006 Indian Residential Schools Settlement, which was finalized only in late 2007, created openings for the 2013 city and 2008 residential schools apologies, respectively.
Meeting, January 15, 2016.
Her Canadian examples include the Komagata Maru incident and the High Arctic Inuit Relocation.
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Thanks to Greg Blue, Kaitlin Findlay, Cindy Holder, Alison James, Kiera Ladner, Fiona MacDonald, Rosemary Nagy, Alison Atkinson-Phillips, Michael Ross, and Miriam Smith for their helpful comments.
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James, M., Stanger-Ross, J. & the Landscapes of Injustice Research Collective. Impermanent Apologies: on the Dynamics of Timing and Public Knowledge in Political Apology. Hum Rights Rev 19, 289–311 (2018). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12142-018-0491-9
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s12142-018-0491-9