How morphological elements interact with one another is a major concern for both morphological theory and typological research. Morphemes, for example, are usually said to block each other when they are in subset-superset relations to one another. Little is known, by contrast, of how morphomes (i.e. forms with unnatural morphosyntactic distributions) interact with one another. This paper provides an initial typology of morphome interactions, based on whether their forms overlap in the paradigm or not, or whether the distribution of one constitutes a subset of the other or not. In addition, special attention will be paid to the outcome or the resolution of morphome orthogonalities. Focusing on the interaction between the L- and N-morphomes of Romance, the analogical changes related to their orthogonality are surveyed and a constraint isproposed that limits the possibilities of morphome interaction.
KeywordsMorphome Romance Typology N-morphome L-morphome Paradigm Analogy
Morphomes (Aronoff 1994), or metamorphomes in Round’s (2013) terminology, are systematic patterns of morphological identity whereby forms are not associated with any natural morphosyntactic or semantic class. They constitute autonomously morphological patterns that often originate as the accidental product of sound change but which are subsequently learnt, replicated, reinforced and preserved in diachrony in a way which suggests that they represent generalizations or categories that are cognitively real for language users.
In Koyi Rai (Kiranti, Sino-Tibetan) we can see how singular and 3rd person share a stem different from the one found in the rest of the paradigm. In Menngwa Dla (Senagi, Papua), the same stem is used for 3SG and for 2/3PL.M. These classes do not make sense from a morphosyntactic perspective. Despite their unnaturalness, both patterns are highly systematic, as they are replicated in various other lexemes and with very different formal correlates (e.g. war-/ward- ‘throw’, hoʔ-/huʔ- ‘bring’, pja-/pa- ‘eat’ etc. in Koyi Rai, and eh-/s- ‘talk’, ah-/s- ‘think’/‘call’, ap-/e- ‘sleep’ etc. in Menngwa Dla.).
The result would be a much more complex exponence, especially when the patterns overlap in the paradigm, as in Table 3. The number of stem alternants is multiplied (from two to four) and the conditioning environments for stem alternation are obscured. This is likely to result in substantial empirical differences in the behaviour of competing, multiple or cross-classifying morphomic exponents with respect to “simple” morphomic exponences like those in Tables 1 and 2. However, and despite initial approaches in works like Maiden (2012), Maiden (2018:Chap. 10) and O’Neill (2018) these cases have not been systematically analyzed and typologized. This is the purpose of the present paper. Because most of the data that will be presented throughout this paper will be from Romance, Sect. 2 will briefly introduce the reader to Romance morphomes. Section 3, in turn, will deal with the possible logical configurations of two morphomes in a paradigm. Section 4 will present the overlap of two such morphomes (the N- and L-morphomes) in Romance and the ways in which the conflict leads to new morphomes or to analogical processes that target some cell combinations but not others (a constraint will be proposed in this respect). To conclude, Sect. 5 will summarize the findings and will propose future avenues for research.
2 Introduction to the morphomes of Romance
Exactly the multiple morphome emergence that we fictionally envisaged in the previous section has actually taken place in the Romance family. The present section is a most succinct introduction to the historical origin of these morphological structures aimed at making subsequent discussion accessible to those without an insider knowledge of the topic. For more detailed and complete description the reader is referred to Maiden (2018) and the rest of the literature (e.g. Maiden 2004; O’Neill 2011) that will be cited here.
2.1 The N-morphome
Two illustrative examples of the Romance N-morphome
Later phonological developments have sometimes further altered (e.g. diphthongized, see Spanish) some of these stressed vowels, and analogical changes have sometimes used the etymologically inherited stem alternation patterns as a template to distribute other formal elements (e.g. synonymous roots, see Italian) in the paradigm.
2.2 The L-morphome
Two illustrative examples of the Romance L-morphome
Note that the shaded cells of nascer are those where the sound change (e.g. naskes>nastses) did not happen whereas those of medir are those where the sound change (e.g. metjo>metso) did happen. This is largely inconsequential, however, as the shaded cells became, in either case, the odd-ones-out, i.e. the minority alternant within their paradigms. The same as in the case of the N-morphome, analogical developments would later extend the resulting alternations to new lexemes or would use them as a model for other forms, thus revealing the productivity and cognitive reality that characterize a bona fide morphome.
2.3 PYTA morphome
Somewhat differently from the two previous morphomes, PYTA (from Spanish Pretérito Y Tiempos Afines, ‘preterite and related tenses’) does not have an origin in sound change but rather in the loss of semantic unity on a set of formerly semantically related tenses. Perfective tenses in Latin made use of a special stem (e.g. fēc- [as opposed to fac-] or rēx- [as opposed to reg-]). The common semantic thread of all those tenses, however, was progressively lost in the daughter languages so that the use of a common root for a set of unconnected tenses has become simply a morphological quirk of the languages. In Spanish, for example, the same stem (e.g. pus- < poner ‘put’, quis- < querer ‘want’, tuv- < tener ‘have’ etc.) is used in the past indicative, imperfect subjunctive and future subjunctive. Despite the different origin of PYTA, the same properties (i.e. analogical changes, or suppletive alternations that respect the inherited distribution) apply also to this morphome.
3 Logical configuration of morphomes
All these various relations have been actually found to hold in morphomes from various (and genetically diverse) natural languages. Examples and discussion of each of these possibilities are presented next.
3.1 Disjoint morphomes
Certain formal elements may sometimes be unable to appear together within the same word form. Sometimes this is merely a consequence of the fact that they appear in disjoint sets of paradigm cells. Some other times, however, forms seem to get out of their way to avoid appearing together. These two situations will be presented next.
3.1.1 Morphomes that are disjoint
Sometimes, two patterns will be present in the inflectional system of a language without there being any visible interaction between the two. The frequently discussed N- and PYTA-morphomes of Romance (e.g. Maiden 2004), for example, inhabit disjoint sets of paradigms cells. As present in Spanish, the presence of one does not imply the presence of the other (e.g. cerr-ar ‘close’: cierr-a [N-morphome] vs cerr-ó [no PYTA], pon-er ‘put’: pon-e [no N-morphome] vs pus-o [PYTA]). In addition, the two are characterized by different forms (diphthong vs high vowel) and when both occur together in the same lexeme (e.g. quer-er ‘want’: quier-e [N-morphome] vs quis-o [PYTA], pod-er ‘be able to’: pued-e [N-morphome] vs pud-o [PYTA]) there is no change in either the form or the distribution of either of the morphomes.
Extension of the formative /g/ in Spanish and Catalan, partial paradigmsa
The velar consonant that usually characterizes the L-morphome roots (e.g. see Spanish) has extended in Catalan to the domain of PYTA (see Wheeler 2011), thus bestowing a certain unity upon erstwhile independent stem alternants. This is just meant to remind us that morphomes can interact and influence each other even in the cases when they in principle have disjoint distributions.
3.1.2 Morphomes which exclude each other
Present paradigms of two Spanish verbs showing stem alternation
Paradigm of Spanish venir
In the paradigm of Spanish venir ‘come’ (also of tener ‘have’), diphthongization does not occur throughout the rhizotonic cells as is usually the case. Instead, diphthongization is restricted to those rhizotonic cells that are not themselves part of the domain of the L-morphome (instantiated by its exponent /g/ in this case). Thus, the presence of the stem extension /g/ (characteristic of the L-morphome in Spanish) seems to inhibit the diphthongization typical of the N-morphome.
Verb ‘come’ in two diachronic stages of Romance, reconstructed forms
Although different forms (e.g. stem vowel and stem extension) may occasionally exclude one another, the compatibility of two cross-cutting patterns is likely to be particularly difficult, of course, when they involve the same locus in the word. As I have just mentioned, in some Iberian Romance varieties the L-morphome had vocalic in addition to consonantal instantiations, which put it in direct competition with the N-morphome. In some lexemes, both patterns should have been simultaneously present in the vowel stem. However, when coexisting in a single lexical item, one pattern necessarily implies the disruption of the other. This circumstance may be undesirable for language users’ prediction and acquisition of these patterns, which may be the reason why these conflicts tended to be resolved, rather than perpetuated, by making these aberrant, hybrid patterns conform to one of the more widespread and simple ones (see Table 10).
In Table 10 above it is shown how the simultaneous application of the sound changes that led to the Romance N and L-morphomes would have resulted, in dormir ‘sleep’ and other verbs, in a pattern of considerable complexity and in a disruption to the usual stem affinities inherent to the N and L-morphomes. Probably as a consequence, the inherited pattern has been analogically modified both in Spanish and in Portuguese but in diverging ways. Spanish has proceeded by generalizing the diphthong throughout the cells of the N-morphome. Portuguese, by contrast, has preferred to preserve the integrity of the L-morphome by generalizing the high vowel to all of its cells. Whether or not these synchronic and diachronic facts should be interpreted along the lines of one morphome ‘blocking’ another is open to dispute and beyond the purposes of this paper.
3.2 Morphomes in non-disjoint relations
In contrast to the cases presented in the previous section, some formal elements and distributions do not appear to be incompatible. Different forms, thus, may appear in these cases together in one and the same word form. This may occur regardless of whether the distribution of one of them is a subset of the other or not.
3.2.1 Morphomes which cross-cut each other
Cross-cutting, compatible morphomic exponents
In remarkable contradistinction to the paradigm of its Spanish cognate (Table 8), Ansotano Aragonese ‘come’ does not restrict its diphthongized stem alternant to those cells outside of the L-morphome (Barcos 2007). The N- and L-morphomes are also compatible in Portuguese, as witnessed by the cross-cutting distributions of their respective exponents /ε/ and /k/ in the verb ‘lose’.
As explained by Wilbur (2015), consonant gradation (strong grade indicated in light grey above) is no longer phonologically predictable in Pite Sami (nor in the other Sami varieties for that matter). Also, although Wilbur (2015) chooses the term “vowel harmony” to refer to vowel alternations like the one shaded in dark gray here, these are no longer phonologically determined assimilations in Pite Sami. As a result we have that in paradigms like that of basset ‘fry’ above, the two morphological processes cross-cut, as the L- and N-morphomes in Table 11, to generate a total of four different stem alternants. Two morphomic forms, however, can be compatible without this resulting in a 4-way division. This is what happens with morphological elements in subset-superset relations, a circumstance that is discussed in the next section.
3.2.2 Morphomes in subset relations to each other
Exponence patterns of various Skou verbs
As shown in Table 13, there are in Skou several progressively larger unnatural sets of paradigm cells that are syncretic. The conflated cells highlighted for the verbs ‘walk’, ‘narrate’, ‘hit’, ‘utter’ and ‘get.F’ are all unnatural sets of cells which in some lexemes share a form to the exclusion of the neighbouring paradigm cells. These patterns of morphological identity are, like Russian matryoshkas, progressively smaller subsets of each other.
A suppletive stem alternation (uuyh vs hṼh) can be found with the same distribution as tũũ vs tiũũ before. Within the part of the paradigm that hosts the alternant hṼh, however, a vowel apophony ( Open image in new window ) distinguishes a smaller subset of cells that is identical to that of niuu before. We can see, therefore, that morphomic elements can sometimes coexist in subset relations to each other.
3.3 A note on compatibility
The morphosyntactic distribution of the suffix -n as well as that of stem alternants si-, hu- and gi- is morphosyntactically unnatural. The set of contexts for -n (1SG, 1PL, 3PL) is a subset of those of the stem alternants si-, hu- and gi- (1SG, 1PL, 3PL, 2PL). Since the exponents are different, the patterns are compatible in principle and thus it is an empirically decidable fact whether they actually are.
Distribution of high vowel stem in Spanish rising verbs
Distribution of diphthong stem in Spanish N-morphome verbs
Coocurrence of diphthong and high vowel stem in sentir ‘feel’
Because of this, blocking is the only possibility in these situations. If the two forms are found within a single lexeme, as in sentir above, only the more restricted one can possibly block the other. That is, only the subset can block the superset. Even though the restrictive properties and empirical status of Pāṇinian blocking are beyond the scope of the present paper this is a point to keep in mind.
4 Interactions between morphomes
When they “inhabit” the same inflectional system in a language, two or more morphomes may coexist (unperturbed), as in some of the examples that were presented in the previous section (e.g. Tables 11 and 15) or they may instead interact with each other or even “conspire” in various ways to give birth to new morphomes. The latter is likely to be especially frequent when they comprise overlapping sets of cells or when they cooccur within a single lexical item.
Separative (left) and cumulative (right) fictitious paradigms
Because the two formatives highlighted above cross-cut each other rather than constitute disjoint sets or subset-supersets of each other, the two forms are able to achieve three rather than two formal distinctions. It is, thus, not self-evident that cross-cutting, orthogonal morphomes like the ones in Table 11 would be undesirable. Moreover, two or more forms with unnatural morpho-syntactic distributions could in principle combine into natural morphosyntactic distinctions, as happens in Tiwi to some extent.
It must be kept in mind, however, that the functional load of morphomic elements is sometimes very low. Stem alternations in the most conservative Romance varieties, for example, are almost 100% redundant,4 since the relevant distinctions are usually expressed by the affixes. Some functional concerns, thus, may have little value to predict the behaviour of morphomes and, thus, their interaction should definitely be investigated by engaging with the empirical facts.
Union (A ∪ B): the set of cells included in either one of the morphomes or in both.
Intersection (A ∩ B): the set of cells included in both morphomes simultaneously.
Relative complement of A in B (B – A): the set of cells included in morphome B but not in A.
Relative complement of B in A (A – B): the set of cells included in morphome A but not in B.
Symmetric difference (A Δ B): the set of cells in either one of the morphomes but not in both.
It is, I believe, extraordinary, that most of these patterns are actually found somewhere in Romance, not simply as the accidental product of sound change but as a target category of analogical morphological innovations. This is shown in the following sections.
4.1 Union (N ∪ L)
N ∪ L distributions in some Romance varieties
Consider the Old French paradigm above. As a result of sound change, stem vowel diphthongization (i.e. /e/>/je/) and palatalization of the last consonant of the stem (i.e. /n/>/ɲ/)5 should be characteristic of the N-morphome and L-morphome cells respectively and should thus cross-cut each other in Old French. However, the vowel within the N∪L paradigm cells has been levelled analogically in favour of the diphthong, which after the change opposes N∪L to the rest of the paradigm. The diphthong did not spread beyond the N∪L cells which thus acted as a niche (Aronoff 2016) for that particular morphological element.
In the Old French case, the formal element characteristic of the N-morphome (i.e. a diphthong) is generalized to the whole of N∪L. Something quite different happens in the Spanish case above. Rising (i.e. /e/>/i/) in Spanish is the result of anticipatory assimilation of mid vowels before a yod (i.e. *metjo>mido, *metimus>medimos). Sound changes in the presence of this yod are precisely what gave birth the L-morphome in Romance (see Table 9) and thus, the rising would have occurred, initially, in just those cells. We can see, however, that in Spanish, like in Old French, a single vowel has been generalized to the whole of N∪L. In this case, by contrast, it is the vowel that originally characterized the L-morphome.
Another striking example of how N∪L can act as a morphological class in Romance is the paradigm of Savognin duéir ‘have to’. As explained by Maiden (2018:213), in this verb, suppletion6 occurs in the set of cells defined by the union of the N- and the L-morphomes. A specific root alternant occurs in these contexts in the paradigms of other lexemes and this fact provides a niche, model, or template for the paradigmatic distribution of other formal elements.
4.1.1 A note on ‘interaction’
It has been claimed more or less explicitly throughout this section that these are new patterns that arise from the interaction between the two morphomes. However, finding analogical processes that affect or result in distributions like N∪L is arguably not incontrovertible evidence that this is due to the interaction between the N and L-morphomes. It is far from inconceivable, for example, that the extension in Old French of diphthongization to 1PL and 2PL subjunctive had nothing to do with the L-morphome per se and constituted simply a formal levelling within the present subjunctive. Is there a way to tell?
The case is similar to the interaction between diphthongization and the augment (i.e. stem-final /g/ or /k/) described for Spanish in Table 8. The morphosyntactic extent of diphthongization in any particular verb is dependent on whether the L-morphome is present or not.7 The (notable) difference is that, in Alta Ribagorza Aragonese, the L-morphome augment necessitates diphthongization rather than rejects it. As a consequence, one morphome becomes a subset of the other one.
Deep down, however, both strategies may be just different solutions to one and the same problem: the orthogonality of morphomic forms and the multiplication of stem alternants that this originates. By making diphthongization and the velar augment mutually exclusive, Spanish reduces from four to three the number of stem alternants in the lexemes where the two morphomes coocurr. Alta Rigagorza Aragonese, paradoxically, achieves the exact same effect by making diphthongization a necessary concomitant of the velar augment.
4.2 Intersection (N ∩ L)
In the paradigms above we see how N∩L cells share a common stem to the exclusion of the rest. This situation originated analogically when the original L-morphome forms were evicted from the 1PL and 2PL subjunctive, sometimes, but not always resulting in whole-word syncretism with the indicative (e.g. Genoese).
4.3 Relative complement of N in L (L – N)
In Felechosa Asturian, for example, as presented in Maiden (2012), the stem alternant that in other Romance varieties characterizes the preterite and related tenses (i.e. the PYTA root) has been extended to L – N, thus giving rise to a contrast with the rest of the present paradigm.
4.4 Relative complement of L in N (N – L)
N–L distributions in some Romance varieties
The Portuguese case shows the analogical extension of a vowel alternation pattern affecting N–L. The verb correr (from Latin currō) should not have any vowel or consonant alternations etymologically (consider Spanish corro corres corre corremos corréis corren). However, it was analogically introduced in Portuguese correr (also in others like beber, see Maiden 2012) on the basis of other verbs that would regularly have had the alternation.
The paradigm of Lags Romansh shows an expected root (i.e. containing /ʃ/ from Latin laxō) in the unshaded cells. A root without a stem-final consonant is used, by contrast, in N–L. As reported in Maiden (2018:108), this variant may have been innovated initially for the imperative on the basis of other verbs and extended to the cells shaded above.
Last, the paradigm from the Romance variety of Palmoli shows the use of a formal element -ll- in those same paradigm cells. As explained by Maiden (2018: 208) this probably originated also in imperative contexts by the reanalysis of what was originally an object clitic as part of the root. The singular imperative, similarly to the paradigm cells that constitute N-L, is rhizotonic and does not participate in the yod-related changes of the L-morphome. Because of this morphological affinity, the developments of Lags Romansh and Palmoli Romance “make sense”. After all, N-L is the smallest morphomic niche to which forms originating in the imperative may spread.
4.5 Symmetric difference (L Δ N)
This could turn out to be a relevant property distinguishing LΔN from the other sets analyzed here (see Pertsova 2011 and McCreight and Chvany 1991). It might be cognitively more complicated for 2/3SG.IND, 3PL.IND and 1/2PL.SUB to constitute the domain for a grammatical generalization of any sort, which is what is required for a morphome to arise. The greater unnaturalness of this set of cells compared to the others is also reflected on its morphosyntactic coherence (Esher 2014).8 The symmetric difference of L and N ranks lowest among these sets according to this measure (26.6%), followed by N–L (33.3%), N∪L (42.8%), N∩L (46%) and L–N (50%).
Table 27 above, as well as the evidence presented in previous sections, therefore, shows a possible constraint on the conflatability of stem spaces (Montermini and Bonami 2013) arising from the combination of orthogonal morphomic distinctions. Every one of the stem spaces that arise from this (see N∩L, L–N and N–L) can constitute the domain for later analogical changes, which shows that they can be cognitively active morphological categories. In addition to this, all their combinations except for one can act in the same way. The Spanish development in Table 27 shows the conflation of N∩L and N–L, which amounts to restoring the formal unity of the N-morphome. The Portuguese analogical change, in turn, shows conflation of N∩L and L–N, which amounts to a restoration of the formal unity of the L-morphome. We also saw (Table 22) that N∩L, N–L and L–N can also act together as a unit in analogical change and appear to be, thus, also “mergeable” in a single stem space or morphome.
The only combination of stem spaces that has not been found here to be a possible domain for analogical innovations and thus for a well-defined morphomic category is that of N–L and L–N (i.e. LΔN). If the impossibility of such a morphomic category holds across Romance varieties and if that category (AΔB more generally) is not found across languages either (or if it is found to be exceedingly infrequent), this would constitute a significant constraint on the possibilities of morphomic architecture and a window into the cognitive representations of language users. More specifically, this would remind of the so-called *ABA constraints in morphological exponence (e.g. Bobaljik and Sauerland 2018) whereby a given morphological element can serve as an expression of more than one category only when these are “adjacent” within some ordered scale. The difference, of course, is that these categories are here morphomic and inherently meaningless. It is unclear, however, whether such a factor is of any relevance to language users.
This paper has presented a preliminary typologization of how different (meta)morphomic elements can exist together in the same inflectional system or in the paradigm of a single lexeme. This is done in the same vein as recent work (Corbett 2015) dealing with lexical splits more generally. As in that work, all the logically possible configurations (disjoint, overlapping and subset relations) have been found here to exist in natural languages. When cross-classifying morphomes inhabit the same paradigm, this has been found to lead frequently, in the case of the Romance L- and N-morphomes, to the distributional instability of the forms. This is probably due to the multiplication of alternants that this configuration involves and to the increased difficulty, for language users, to find well-defined morphological niches for each of them. A frequent solution, thus, is to reduce the number of alternants (i.e. the orthogonality of the morphomes), either by arranging formerly cross-cutting forms into subset-superset distributions (see Table 23), or by making them disjoint (see Table 8).
In addition, relying on insights from Set Theory, I have typologized what kinds of new morphomic categories may emerge from the cross-classification of morphomes (Union [A∪B], Intersection [A∩B], Relative complement of A in B [B–A], Relative complement of B in A [A–B], and Symmetric difference [AΔB]). All of these except the last one have been shown to be able to constitute the domain of analogical change, which suggests that they can, under the right conditions, become morphomes of their own. The absence of analogical changes that aim at establishing a morphomic category AΔB is an interesting empirical finding that needs further analysis and cross-linguistic validation but which, if solid, would constitute a significant restriction in the area of morphome interactions and more generally in the possible domains for linguistic generalizations and language users’ construction of (morphological) categories.
Future research should be aimed at contrasting the validity of this restriction within and beyond Romance and at uncovering other cross-linguistic generalizations concerning morphomes. On this respect, it is usually assumed (e.g. Koonts-Garboden 2016 & Maiden 2018:22) that morphomes must be typologically unique (i.e. that the replication of a pattern in unrelated languages would exclude a morphological pattern from the ranks of morphomes). This seems to me an unnecessary footnote to the definition of the morphome that discourages typological approaches to the phenomenon. It may well be that at a sufficient level of granularity no two morphomes are exactly the same. This would also hold, however, of probably any linguistic category. I believe there is no reason to give up on typological and comparative research in general because of this. Under a sufficiently lax definition, or looking at some narrower aspect, unrelated morphomic structures (e.g. the Koyi Rai morphome in Table 1 and the Romance N-morphome) can indeed be “the same” (e.g. both apply to 3 and SG in the paradigm). Typological work and cross-linguistic generalizations, thus, can and should be attempted if our knowledge of morphomes is to increase beyond its present state.
Another avenue for future research would be to explore whether there are empirical differences in the way morphomes and morphemes interact with other morphological objects. Some recent work has emphasized the gradual nature of (e.g. Smith 2013) or the absence of empirical evidence for (Herce forthcoming) the morpheme/morphome distinction. In this respect, the domain of interactions seems particularly appropriate to try to find differences. Although some morphemes may be so too, morphomes are communicatively largely irrelevant by definition. It would make functional sense if they were free to change their distribution in ways that morphemes cannot do (without jeopardizing information-transfer). For example, orthogonality might well be the ideal configuration of morphemes but may be dispreferred in the case of morphomes. A large cross-linguistic study of paradigmatic analogical changes would be needed, of course, to test this intuition and others.
Note, however, that, generally, trying to account for stem alternations with reference to the shapes of affixes is little more than pushing the burden of explanation somewhere else. If we did that here, for example, the distribution of ‘a’ and ‘u’-initial suffixes in Koyi Rai would still remain arbitrary.
The second-to-last syllable was stressed if that syllable was long. Otherwise, the third-to-last syllable was stressed.
For reasons of feature-value orthogonality (or lack thereof) and for economy of representation, the imperative will not be taken into account throughout the rest of this paper.
The only place I can think of where stem alternations can introduce additional formal distinctions in Spanish are cases where the regular whole-word syncretism between 1PL present and past (e.g. amamos/amamos, vivimos/vivimos) is avoided because of the use of a stem alternant in the past (e.g. estamos/estuvimos, decimos/dijimos).
Both “gn” and “ng” are orthographic representations of /ɲ/.
It is not entirely clear whether one should describe this as suppletion or as defectivity of the verb duéir. The shaded cells of the paradigm are (taken) from another verb (stueir) where they are not suppletive. See Maiden (2018:213).
In an additional taxonomization of morphomic patterns one could distinguish “dependent” from “independent” morphomes on the basis of whether a particular pattern can occur on its own or not. Spanish diphthongization in 2/3SG and 3PL present indicative and Alta Ribagorza Aragonese diphthongization in SG, 3PL and 1/2PL.SUB would count, thus, as dependent morphomes, since they never occur in the absence of an overt L-morphome.
This is the average number of feature values shared between the cells that make up some subset of the paradigm.
Thanks are due to Matthew Baerman, Oliver Bond and Ivan Igartua for their comments on early versions of this paper. The financial support of the Basque Government (PRE_2015_1_0175) is also gratefully acknowledged.
- Aronoff, M. (1994). Morphology by itself: Stems and inflectional classes. Cambridge: MIT Press. Google Scholar
- Aronoff, M. (2016). Competition and the lexicon. In A. Elia, C. Iacobini, & M. Voghera (Eds.), Livelli di Analisi e fenomeni di interfaccia. Atti del XLVII Congresso Internazionale della Società di Linguistica Italiana (pp. 39–52). Roma: Bulzoni Editore. Google Scholar
- Bobaljik, J. D., & Sauerland, U. (2018). ABA and the combinatorics of morphological features. Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics, 3.1. Google Scholar
- Luís, A. R. & Bermúdez-Otero, R. (Eds.), 2016. The morphome debate, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Google Scholar
- Barcos, M. A. (2007). El aragonés ansotano. Estudio lingüístico de Ansó y Fago. Zaragoza: Gara d’Edizion – Institución ,,Fernando el Católico”. Google Scholar
- Donohue, M. (2004). A grammar of the Skou language of New Guinea. Ms. National University of Singapore. Google Scholar
- Haensch, G. (1958). Las hablas de la Alta Ribagorza. Archivo de filología aragonesa, 10, 57–194. Google Scholar
- Herce B. (forthcoming). On morphemes and morphomes: exploring the distinction. Word Structure. Google Scholar
- Koonts-Garboden, A. (2016). Thoughts on diagnosing morphomicity: A case study from Ulwa. In A. R. Luís & R. Bermúdez-Otero (Eds.), The morphome debate (pp. 228–247). Oxford: Oxford University Press. Google Scholar
- Lahoussois, A. (2009). Koyi Rai: An initial grammatical sketch. Himalayan linguistics. Google Scholar
- Lee, J. (1987). Tiwi today. A study of language change in a contact situation. Pacific Linguistics, Series C 96. Google Scholar
- Maiden, M. (2004). Morphological autonomy and diachrony. Yearbook of morphology 2004, 137–175. Google Scholar
- Maiden, M., Smith, J. C., Goldbach, M., & Hinzelin, M.-O. (Eds.) (2011). Morphological autonomy: Perspectives from Romance inflectional morphology. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Google Scholar
- Maiden, M. (2012). A paradox? The morphological history of the Romance present. In S. Gaglia & M.-O. Hinzelin (Eds.), Inflection and word formation in Romance languages 186, Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Google Scholar
- McCreight, K., & Chvany, C. V. (1991). Geometric representation of paradigms in a modular theory of grammar. Paradigms: The economy of inflection, 91–112. Google Scholar
- Montermini, F., & Bonami, O. (2013). Stem spaces and predictability in verbal inflection. Lingue e Linguaggio, 12(2), 171–190. Google Scholar
- O’Neill, P. (2011). The Ibero-Romance verb: Allomorphy and the notion of the morphome. PhD dissertation. Google Scholar
- Round, E. R. (2013). Rhizomorphomes, meromorphomes, and metamorphomes. In M. Baerman, D. Brown, & G. Corbett (Eds.), Understanding and measuring morphological complexity (pp. 29–52). Oxford: Oxford University Press. Google Scholar
- Rupp, J. (1996). Diccionario chinanteco de San Juan Lealao, Oaxaca. Tucson: SIL. Google Scholar
- de Sousa, H. (2006). The Menngwa Dla language of New Guinea. PhD dissertation, University of Sidney. Google Scholar
- Wheeler, M. W. (2011). The evolution of a morphome in Catalan verb inflection. In M. Maiden et al. (Eds.), Morphological autonomy: perspectives from Romance inflectional morphology (pp. 183–209). Google Scholar
- Wilbur, J. (2015). A grammar of Pite Saami. Berlin: Language Science Press. Google Scholar
- Zipf, G. K. (1935). The psycho-biology of language. Google Scholar
Open Access This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Commons license, and indicate if changes were made.