Abstract
The criminalization of Muslims—framing an Islamic religious identity as a problem to be solved using state crime control logic—is undeniably in process in the United States. Local, state, and federal statutes target Muslims for surveillance and exclusion, and media sources depict Muslims as synonymous with terrorism, as others have shown. This paper analyzes the public’s role in the criminalization of Islam, which I call “cr-Islamization.” Drawing on in-depth, qualitative interviews in a major Southwest city during the lead-up to the 2016 presidential election, I detail how the majority of 144 politically, racially, and economically diverse interviewees talk about Muslims as a potential “racial threat,” using “fear of crime” language indicative of the mass incarceration era. This suggests that criminalization theory should be central to sociological studies of Muslims in the contemporary United States, and that criminalization rhetoric remains powerful, despite mainstream enthusiasm for criminal justice reform. I argue that criminalization’s power might reside in its ability to mutate in the “post-racial” era. The mechanisms supporting crimmigration, the criminalization of black Americans, and cr-Islamization are related but not identical. Muslims are religiously and racially subjugated, but more economically secure compared to other criminalized groups. This paper’s findings should prompt scholars to re-examine the relationships between racialization, criminalization, religious subjugation, and economic exploitation in the twenty-first century United States.
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Notes
Interview transcript available at http://abcnews.go.com/Politics/donald-trump-insists-muslim-ban-safety-religion/story?id=35666498. Despite this disclaimer, discourse analysis reveals anti-Muslim rhetoric throughout Trump’s campaign (Khan et al. 2019).
The full text of this ban available at https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2017/09/27/2017-20899/enhancing-vetting-capabilities-and-processes-for-detecting-attempted-entry-into-the-united-states-by. It also bans North Koreans, as well as Venezuelan officials and their families.
There is substantial sociological literature on the perception of Arab-Americans and those perceived to be “Middle Eastern” in the United States, both before and after 9/11. This is related to, but not synonymous with the perception of Muslims. Like Muslims, Arabs and Middle Easterners are imagined as potentially violent enemies of the United States. But narratives surrounding Arabs and Middle Easterners work differently, in part because of the discourse surrounding the Israel-Palestine conflict, and the “model minority myth” that historically racializes Arabs as white (cf. Cainkar 2009; and Jamal and Naber 2008).
Not incidentally, Huntington’s ideas borrow heavily from Orientalist historian Bernard Lewis (1990).
See the complete list at: https://www.splcenter.org/fighting-hate/extremist-files/ideology/anti-muslim
Perceptions of black Muslims in the United States have a different history. Between 15 and 30% of African slaves were estimated to be Muslim upon arrival in the U.S. (Austin 1997), and the Nation of Islam, formed in the first decades of the twentieth century as part of the black nationalist movement, still has tens of thousands of active members today. Contemporary Muslim racialization is entwined with the history of Orientalism and more specifically the anti-Arab prejudices of late twentieth century.
“Mini groups” are defined in contrast to the standard group size of 6–10 that would have produced less in-depth answers and interactions (Morgan 1997).
This is a typical strategy in studies using mixed methods interviews and focus groups. Wilkinson (1999) and other feminist researchers argue that by allowing naturalistic group dynamics to develop, researchers inevitably give up some level of control, therefore becoming less commanding. Focus groups promote ease of conversation to mitigate a potentially inhibitory power dynamics and give access to beliefs and feelings that researchers might miss. We used these, then, when we suspected researchers’ memberships in relatively privileged or outsider groups would inhibit respondents: with Muslim foreign nationals and refugees especially. To balance the potential for “group think” to influence our findings, we also continued to conduct one-on-one interviews.
As one reviewer pointed out, focus group members’ “quietness” on this issue could mean that they were swayed or cowed by the views of their groupmates. It is possible that these respondents would have expressed fears about Muslims if interviewed individually.
The speaker is referring to the “Holy Land Foundation,” the prosecution of which has been fodder for controversy in both civil liberty and anti-Islamic groups. See Ratner (2012).
See for example, Casanova (2007) on comparisons between E.U. and U.S. religious group immigration patterns.
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This research was supported through grants from the Mellon Foundation and Trinity University and was conducted in collaboration with Drs. Habiba Noor and William Christ.
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Appendix: Interview Guide
Appendix: Interview Guide
Engagement Questions
-
1)
Tell me a little about yourself ... anything you think is important.
-
2)
Where do you get your news?
Political Rhetoric
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3)
In the Presidential campaign, there’s been a lot said about Islam. What have you heard?
- a.
Are these issues being talked about in your social network?
- b.
When was the last time you heard a conversation about Islam?
- c.
Why do you think Islam is an issue in the campaign?
- d.
How much has the campaign affected your thinking?
- a.
Attitude Questions
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4)
Does this discussion around Islam remind you of any other political conversation in history?
#5, 6, and 7 IF NECESSARY:
-
5)
Do you remember hearing about this story? A few weeks ago, young man had boarded a plane on Southwest Airlines when he was overheard speaking Arabic on the phone. A passenger alerted a crew member, and the young man was escorted off the plane and not allowed to fly. It was later confirmed that he was a U.S. citizen with no links to any terrorist organization. How would you feel if you witnessed this?
-
6)
And do you remember this? A young couple, one American-born and the other Pakistan-born, shoot up a room full of people in San Bernardino, California, killing 14 and injuring 28 others. The FBI calls them “homegrown terrorists,” motivated by sympathy with extremist Islamic groups. They were not shown to have any official ties to terrorists groups. Do you think this is different from other mass shootings in the U.S.?
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7)
There is an argument that the police in the United States should be able to “stop and frisk” people they find suspicious. What do you think of this policy and would you support a similar policy for Muslims?
Personal History Question
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8)
I’m curious about how you’ve formulated your ideas about Islam.
- a.
Do you know any Muslims?
- b.
Can you remember how old you were when you first heard about Islam talked about in politics?
- c.
Has your (education, church group, social group) been influential?
- d.
How do your opinions compare to your parents’ or other (community groups or the nation)?
- a.
-
9)
Have you ever experienced fear around these issues?
Exit Question
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10)
Is there anything else I should have asked you or you would like to tell us about Islam or the election?
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Kaufman, S.B. The Criminalization of Muslims in the United States, 2016. Qual Sociol 42, 521–542 (2019). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11133-019-09435-x
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11133-019-09435-x