Head movement and ellipsis in the expression of Russian polarity focus
Abstract
This paper argues, based on the interaction of head movement and ellipsis possibilities in Russian, that certain types of head movement must take place in the narrow syntax. It does so by examining a variety of Russian constructions which are unified in several ways: they express some type of polarity focus; they involve head movement of the verbal complex to a high position (Pol), resulting in discourse-marked vso orders; and some of them involve ellipsis (of either vP or TP). Investigation of the interaction of the head movement and ellipsis possibilities of the language yields three of four logically possible patterns. I argue that the unattested pattern should be explained using reasoning that invokes MaxElide (Merchant 2008)—a principle normally used to explain why the larger of two possible ellipsis domains must be chosen if Ā-movement has occurred out of the ellipsis site. Extending this logic to the interaction of head movement and ellipsis requires that we take head movement to be a syntactic phenomenon.
Keywords
Ellipsis Head movement Polarity focus MaxElideNotes
Acknowledgements
For generous feedback and discussion on aspects of this project, I thank Jonathan Bobaljik, Sandy Chung, Cleo Condoravdi, Amy Rose Deal, Donka Farkas, Julie Goncharov, Boris Harizanov, Beth Levin, Jason Merchant, Jim McCloskey, Luis Vicente, and audiences at NELS 45, University of Maryland, University of Connecticut, and UCSC. Special thanks are due to Chris Potts and Daria Popova, who worked with me in the early stages of thinking through a number of the puzzles presented here. I’m grateful to three anonymous reviewers who provided extensive and very helpful comments. Thanks to Dina Brun, Alla Oks, Julia Kleyman, Anya Desnitskaya, Asya Pereltsvaig, Ekaterina Kravtchenko, Asya Shteyn, Maria Borshova, Allen Gessen, David Erschler, Natasha Sergeeva, Alla Zeide, Flora and Anatoly Tomashevsky, and Irina and Alexander Gribanov for providing judgments and discussing the data with me. I am grateful to the Stanford Humanities Center for financial and practical support. Errors are the author’s responsibility alone.
References
- Abels, Klaus. 2005. “Expletive” negation in Russian: A conspiracy theory. Journal of Slavic Linguistics 1(13): 5–74. Google Scholar
- Babko-Malaya, Olga. 2003. Perfectivity and prefixation in Russian. Journal of Slavic Linguistics 11(1): 5–36. Google Scholar
- Babyonyshev, Maria. 1996. Structural connections in syntax and processing: Studies in Russian and Japanese grammatical subject in first language acquisition. PhD diss., MIT. Google Scholar
- Bailyn, John Frederick. 1995a. A configurational approach to Russian ‘free’ word order. PhD diss., Cornell University. Google Scholar
- Bailyn, John Frederick. 1995b. Underlying phrase structure and ‘short’ verb movement in Russian. Journal of Slavic Linguistics 3(1): 13–58. Google Scholar
- Bailyn, John Frederick. 2004. Generalized inversion. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 22: 1–49. CrossRefGoogle Scholar
- Bailyn, John Frederick. 2012. The syntax of Russian. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Google Scholar
- Bailyn, John Frederick. 2014. Against a VP ellipsis account of Russian verb-stranding constructions. In Studies in Japanese and Korean linguistics and beyond, ed. Alexander Vovin. Leiden: Brill. Google Scholar
- Bjorkman, Bronwyn, and Hedde Zeijlstra. 2014. Upward Agree is superior. Ms. University of Toronto and Georg-August-Universität Göttingen. Google Scholar
- Boeckx, Cedric, and Sandra Stjepanović. 2001. Heading towards PF. Linguistic Inquiry 2(32): 345–355. CrossRefGoogle Scholar
- Brown, Sue. 1999. The syntax of negation in Russian. Stanford: CSLI. Google Scholar
- Brown, Sue, and Steven Franks. 1995. Asymmetries in the scope of Russian negation. Journal of Slavic Linguistics 2(3): 239–287. Google Scholar
- Chomsky, Noam. 2000. Minimalist inquiries: The framework. In Step by step: Essays on minimalist syntax in honor of Howard Lasnik, eds. Roger Martin, David Michaels, and Juan Uriagereka, 8–153. Cambridge: MIT Press. Google Scholar
- Chung, Sandra. 2006. Sluicing and the lexicon: The point of no return. In Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society (BLS) 31, eds. Rebecca T. Cover and Yuni Kim, 73–91. Berkeley: Berkeley Linguistics Society. Google Scholar
- Chung, Sandra. 2013. Syntactic identity in sluicing: How much and why. Linguistic Inquiry 44(1): 1–44. CrossRefGoogle Scholar
- Chung, Sandra, Bill Ladusaw, and James McCloskey. 1995. Sluicing and logical form. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 3(3): 239–282. Google Scholar
- Comrie, Bernard. 1973. Clause structure and movement constraints in Russian. In 9th Regional Meeting, Chicago Linguistic Society (CLS), 291–304. Chicago: University of Chicago. Google Scholar
- Erteschik-Shir, Nomi, Lena Ibnbari, and Sharon Taube. 2013. Missing objects as Topic Drop. Lingua 136: 145–169. CrossRefGoogle Scholar
- Farkas, Donka. 2010. The grammar of polarity particles in Romanian. In Edges, heads, and projections: Interface properties, eds. Anna Maria Di Sciullo and Virginia Hill, 87–124. Amsterdam: Benjamins. CrossRefGoogle Scholar
- Farkas, Donka, and Kim Bruce. 2010. On reacting to assertions and polar questions. Journal of Semantics 27: 81–118. CrossRefGoogle Scholar
- Farkas, Donka, and Floris Roelofsen. 2015. Polarity particle responses as a window onto the interpretation of questions and answers. Language 2(91): 359–414. Google Scholar
- Fiengo, Robert, and Robert May. 1994. Indices and identity. Cambridge: MIT Press. Google Scholar
- Fowler, George. 1994. Verbal prefixes as functional heads. Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 24(1–2): 171–185. Google Scholar
- Georgi, Doreen, and Gereon Müller. 2010. Noun-phrase structure by Re-Projection. Syntax 13(1): 1–36. CrossRefGoogle Scholar
- Goldberg, Lotus. 2005a. On the verbal identity requirement in VP ellipsis. Presented at the Identity in Ellipsis workshop, UC Berkeley. Google Scholar
- Goldberg, Lotus. 2005b. Verb-stranding vp ellipsis: A cross-linguistic study. PhD diss., McGill University. Google Scholar
- Grebenyova, Lydia. 2006. Sluicing puzzles in Russian. In Annual Workshop on Formal Approaches to Slavic lInguistics (FASL)14, eds. James Lavine, Steven Franks, Mila Tasseva-Kurktchieva, and Hana Filip, 157–171. Ann Arbor: Michigan Slavic Publications. Google Scholar
- Grebenyova, Lydia. 2007. Sluicing in Slavic. Journal of Slavic Linguistics 15(1): 49–80. Google Scholar
- Gribanova, Vera. 2013a. A new argument for verb-stranding verb phrase ellipsis. Linguistic Inquiry 44(1): 145–157. CrossRefGoogle Scholar
- Gribanova, Vera. 2013b. Verb-stranding verb phrase ellipsis and the structure of the Russian verbal complex. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 31(1): 91–136. CrossRefGoogle Scholar
- Hall, David. 2015. Spelling out the noun phrase: Interpretation, word order, and the problem of ‘meaningless movement’. PhD diss., Queen Mary University of London. Google Scholar
- Harizanov, Boris. 2014a. Clitic doubling at the syntax-morphophonology interface: A-movement and morphological merger in Bulgarian. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 4(32): 1033–1088. CrossRefGoogle Scholar
- Harizanov, Boris. 2014b. On the mapping from syntax to morphophonology. PhD diss., University of California, Santa Cruz. Google Scholar
- Harley, Heidi. 2004. Merge, conflation, and head movement. In North East Linguistic Society (NELS) 34, eds. Keir Moulton and Matthew Wolf, 239–254. Amherst: GLSA. Google Scholar
- Hartman, Jeremy. 2011. The semantic uniformity of traces: Evidence from ellipsis parallelism. Linguistic Inquiry 42(3): 367–388. CrossRefGoogle Scholar
- Harves, Stephanie. 2002. Genitive of negation and the syntax of scope. In ConSOLE 10, eds. Marjo van Koppen, Erica Thrift, Erik Jan van der Torre, and Malte Zimmerman, 96–110. Google Scholar
- Heim, Irene. 1997. Predicates or formulas? Evidence from ellipsis. In Semantics and Linguistic Theory (SALT) 7, ed. Aaron Lawson, 197–221. Ithaca: CLC Publications. Google Scholar
- Holmberg, Anders. 2001. The syntax of yes and no in Finnish. Studia Linguistica 55(2): 140–174. CrossRefGoogle Scholar
- Holmberg, Anders. 2013. The syntax of answers to polar questions in English and Swedish. Lingua 128: 31–50. CrossRefGoogle Scholar
- Jones, Bob Morris. 1999. The Welsh answering system. Berlin: de Gruyter. CrossRefGoogle Scholar
- Kallestinova, Elena. 2007. Aspects of word order in Russian. PhD diss., University of Iowa. Google Scholar
- Kazenin, Konstantin. 2006. Polarity in Russian and Typology of Predicate Ellipsis. Ms. Moscow State University. Google Scholar
- King, Tracy Holloway. 1995. Configuring topic and focus in Russian. Stanford: CSLI Publications. Google Scholar
- Kolesnikova, Svetlana. 2014. Russkie časticy. Semantika, grammatica, funkcii. Moscow: Flinta. Google Scholar
- Koopman, Hilda, and Anna Szabolcsi. 2000. Verbal complexes. Cambridge: MIT Press. Google Scholar
- Kramer, Ruth, and Kyle Rawlins. 2011. Polarity particles: An ellipsis account. In North East Linguistic Society (NELS) 39, eds. Suzi Lima, Kevin Mullin, and Brian Smith. Amherst: GLSA. Google Scholar
- Krifka, Manfred. 2011. How to interpret “expletive” negation under bevor in German. In Language and logos. Studies in theoretical and computational linguistics, eds. Thomas Hanneforth and Gisbert Fanselow, 214–236. Berlin: Akademie Verlag. Google Scholar
- Laka, Itziar. 1990. Negation in syntax: On the nature of functional categories and projections. PhD diss., MIT. Google Scholar
- Laleko, Oksana. 2010. Negative-contrastive ellipsis in Russian: Syntax meets information structure. In Formal Studies in Slavic Linguistics, eds. Anastasia Smirnova, Vedrana Mihaliček, and Lauren Ressue, 197–218. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. Google Scholar
- Lambova, Mariana. 2004. On triggers of movement and effects at the interfaces. In Studies in generative grammar, 75: Triggers, eds. Anne Breibarth and Henk C. van Reimsdijk, 231–258. Berlin: de Gruyter. Google Scholar
- Landau, Idan. 2006. Chain resolution in Hebrew (V)P-fronting. Syntax 9(1): 32–66. CrossRefGoogle Scholar
- Langacker, Ronald. 1966. On pronominalization and the chain of command. In Modern studies in English, eds. David A. Reibel and Sanford A. Schane, 160–186. New Jersey: Prentice-Hall. Google Scholar
- Lasnik, Howard. 2001. When can you save a structure by destroying it? In North East Linguistic Society (NELS) 31, eds. Min-Joo Kim and Uri Strauss, 301–320. Amherst: GLSA. Google Scholar
- Lechner, Winifred. 2007. Interpretive effects of head movement. http://ling.auf.net/lingBuzz/000178. Accessed 9 February 2017.
- Lipták, Anikó. 2012. V-stranding ellipsis and verbal identity: The role of polarity focus. In Linguistics in the Netherlands 2012, eds. Marion Elenbaas and Suzanne Aalberse, 82–96. Amsterdam: Benjamins. Google Scholar
- Lipták, Anikó. 2013. The syntax of emphatic positive polarity in Hungarian: Evidence from ellipsis. Lingua 128: 72–92. CrossRefGoogle Scholar
- Matushansky, Ora. 2006. Head movement in linguistic theory. Linguistic Inquiry 1: 69–109. CrossRefGoogle Scholar
- McCloskey, James. 2011. The shape of Irish clauses. In Formal approaches to Celtic linguistics, ed. Andrew Carnie, 143–178. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. Google Scholar
- McCloskey, James. 2012. Polarity, ellipsis and the limits of identity in Irish. Workshop on Ellipsis, Nanzan University. https://people.ucsc.edu/~mcclosk/PDF/nanzan-handout.pdf. Accessed 9 February 2017.
- Merchant, Jason. 2001. The syntax of silence: Sluicing, islands and the theory of ellipsis. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Google Scholar
- Merchant, Jason. 2006. Why no(t)? Style 20(1–2): 20–23. Google Scholar
- Merchant, Jason. 2008. Variable island repair under ellipsis. In Topics in ellipsis, ed. Kyle Johnson, 132–153. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Google Scholar
- Merchant, Jason. To appear. Ellipsis: A survey of analytical approaches. In The Oxford handbook of ellipsis (to appear), eds. Jeroen Van Craenenbroeck and Tanja Temmerman. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Google Scholar
- Merchant, Jason. 2013a. Polarity items under ellipsis. In Diagnosing syntax, eds. Lisa Lai-Shen Cheng and Norbert Corver, 441–462. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Google Scholar
- Merchant, Jason. 2013b. Voice and ellipsis. Linguistic Inquiry 44(1): 77–108. CrossRefGoogle Scholar
- Messick, Troy, and Gary Thoms. 2016. Ellipsis, economy and the (non)uniformity of traces. Linguistic Inquiry 47(2): 306–332. CrossRefGoogle Scholar
- Milićević, Nataša. 2006. On negation in yes/no questions in Serbo-Croatian. In UiL OTS working papers 2006, eds. Jakub Dotlacil and Berit Gehrke, 29–47. Google Scholar
- Ngonyani, Deo. 1996. VP ellipsis in Ndendeule and Swahili applicatives. In Syntax at Sunset, UCLA working papers in syntax and semantics 1, eds. Edward Garrett and Felicia Lee, 109–128. Los Angeles: UCLA Department of Linguistics. Google Scholar
- Pesetsky, David. 1982. Paths and categories. PhD diss., MIT. Google Scholar
- Piñón, Christopher. 1991. Presupposition and the syntax of negation in Hungarian. In Chicago Linguistic Society (CLS) 27. Part two: The parasession on negation, eds. Lise M. Dobrin, Lynn Nichols, and Rosa M. Rodriguez, 246–262. Google Scholar
- Pollock, Jean-Yves. 1989. Verb movement, universal grammar, and the structure of IP. Linguistic Inquiry 20: 365–424. Google Scholar
- Pope, Emily. 1976. Questions and answers in English. PhD diss., MIT. Google Scholar
- Preminger, Omer, and Maria Polinsky. 2015. Agreement and semantic concord: A spurious unification. Ms., University of Maryland. Google Scholar
- Progovac, Ljiljana. 1994. Negative and positive polarity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. CrossRefGoogle Scholar
- Progovac, Ljiljana. 2005. Negative and positive feature checking and the distribution of polarity items. In Negation in Slavic, eds. Sue Brown and Adam Przepiórkowski, 179–217. Bloomington: Slavica Publishers. Google Scholar
- Roberts, Ian. 2010. Agreement and head movement: Clitics, incorporation, and defective goals. Cambridge: MIT Press. CrossRefGoogle Scholar
- Rooth, Mats. 1992. Ellipsis redundancy and reduction redundancy. In Stuttgart Ellipsis Workshop, eds. Steve Berman and Arild Hestvik. Stuttgart: Universität Stuttgart. Google Scholar
- Sadock, Jerold, and Arnold Zwicky. 1985. Speech act distinctions in syntax. In Language typology and syntactic description. Vol. 1. Clause structure, ed. Timothy Shopen, 155–196. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Google Scholar
- Santos, Ana Lúcia. 2009. Minimal answers. Ellipsis, syntax and discourse in the acquisition of European Portuguese. Amsterdam: Benjamins. CrossRefGoogle Scholar
- Schachter, Paul. 1977. Does she or doesn’t she? Linguistic Inquiry 8: 763–767. Google Scholar
- Schoorlemmer, Erik, and Tanja Temmerman. 2012. Head movement as a PF-phenomenon: Evidence from identity under ellipsis. In 29th West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics (WCCFL), eds. Jaehoon Choi, E. Alan Hogue, Jeffrey Punske, Deniz Tat, Jessamyn Schertz, and Alex Trueman, 232–240. Somerville: Cascadilla Press. Google Scholar
- Sekerina, Irina. 1997. The syntax and processing of split scrambling constructions in Russian. PhD diss., CUNY Graduate School. Google Scholar
- Slioussar, Natalia. 2011. Russian and the EPP requirement in the tense domain. Lingua 121(14): 2048–2068. CrossRefGoogle Scholar
- Svenonius, Peter. 2004. Slavic prefixes inside and outside VP. Nordlyd 32(2): 205–253. Google Scholar
- Szabolcsi, Anna. 2011. Certain verbs are syntactically explicit quantifiers. In The Baltic international yearbook of cognition, logic and communication. Vol. 6, formal semantics and pragmatics: Discourse, context, and models. http://cognition.lu.lv/symp/6-call.html. Accessed 9 February 2017. Google Scholar
- Takahashi, Shoichi, and Danny Fox. 2005. MaxElide and the re-binding problem. In Semantics and Linguistic Theory (SALT) 15, eds. Effi Georgala and Jonathan Howell, 223–240. Ithaca: CLC Publications. Google Scholar
- Tovena, L. M. 1995. An expletive negation which is not so redundant. In Grammatical theory and Romance languages: Selected papers from the 25th linguistic symposium on Romance languages, ed. Karen Zagona, 263–274. Amsterdam: Benjamins. Google Scholar
- Van Gelderen, Véronique. 2003. Scrambling unscrambled. Utrecht: LOT Publications. Google Scholar
- Vicente, Luis. 2009. An alternative to remnant movement for partial predicate fronting. Syntax 12(2): 158–191. CrossRefGoogle Scholar
- Zanuttini, Raffaella. 1997. Negation and clause structure: A comparative study of Romance languages. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Google Scholar