Natural Language & Linguistic Theory

, Volume 34, Issue 3, pp 975–1020 | Cite as

DP-internal semantic agreement: A configurational analysis

  • Idan LandauEmail author


“Hybrid” nouns are known for being able to trigger either syntactic or semantic agreement, the latter typically occurring outside the noun’s projection. We document and discuss a rare example of a Hebrew noun that triggers either syntactic or semantic agreement within the DP. To explain this and other unusual patterns of nominal agreement, we propose a configurational adaptation of the concord-index distinction, originated in Wechsler and Zlatić (2003). Morphologically-rooted (=concord) features are hosted on the noun stem while semantically-rooted (=index) features are hosted on Num, a higher functional head. Depending on where attributive adjectives attach, they may display either type of agreement. The observed and unobserved patterns of agreement follow from general principles of selection and syntactic locality.


Agreement Concord Attributive adjectives Number Gender Hybrid nouns Hebrew 


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Copyright information

© Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2015

Authors and Affiliations

  1. 1.Department of Foreign Literatures and LinguisticsBen Gurion UniversityBeer ShevaIsrael

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