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New teachers’ experiences of mentoring: The good, the bad, and the inequity

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Abstract

Using a sample of 374 randomly selected first- and second-year teachers in three states, this study examines new teachers’ experiences of official mentoring during their first year. Descriptive analyses reveal that experienced mentors are generally present in the work lives of new teachers. However, new teachers often have inappropriate mentor-matches, and low percentages of new teachers are observed by or have conversations with their mentor about the core activities of teaching. Low proportions of new teachers in low-income schools and those in math, science, and technology have ideal matches and supports. The findings have implications for policymakers who look to mentoring as a strategy to improve public schools and retain new teachers.

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Notes

  1. In their analysis of the nationally representative SASS data, Smith and Ingersoll (2004) found that school poverty level was among the strongest predictors of likelihood of leaving teaching as opposed to staying.

  2. Although their coefficients were not statistically significant, Smith and Ingersoll (2004) also found, for example, that math or science teachers were about 10% more likely than teachers of other subjects to leave teaching.

  3. Throughout this analysis, findings about mentoring refer to new teachers’ self-reports of their experiences of the mentor assigned to them by their school or their district during their first year of teaching.

  4. The national random sample of new teachers used in Smith and Ingersoll’s (2004) analysis of the 1999–2000 SASS data included teachers in regular public, charter, and private schools. The percentages presented above are for all beginning teachers. Twenty-seven percent of regular public school teachers left their schools (11 percent left teaching, and 16 percent moved to other schools). Thirty-seven percent of charter school teachers left their schools (24 percent left teaching, and 13 percent moved to other schools). Thirty-six percent of private school teachers left their schools (26 percent left teaching, and 10 percent moved to other schools).

  5. For example, for more information on the New Teacher Center, visit www.newteachercenter.org.

  6. We worked with Edward Liu to collaboratively design this 4-state study and the 1-state New Jersey study on which it is built (Kardos 2001; Liu and Kardos 2002). We extend special thanks to John B. Willett and Robert S. Peterkin for their assistance with this study.

  7. This study is part of a 4-state survey study of a representative random sample of new teachers that also included California. We omit California in this analysis for three reasons: (1) demographic and other relevant characteristics about CA make it unusual (for example, California has greater than four times more public schools and greater than six times more public school students than Massachusetts); (2) concerns about potential bias in the CA sample resulting from low response rates in certain subgroups in CA (for example, in California, the group of responding schools included a much lower proportion of middle schools than the group of non-responding schools); (3) a swamping effect resulting from the sample weights used to correct for the study design. Because the responses of California teachers were given much greater weight than the teachers in the other three states, population estimates for the four states together look almost exactly like the estimates for CA alone.

  8. Elementary, middle, and high schools differ in ways likely to impact professional culture such as organizational structure (Rowan 1990) and the ways in which new teachers interact with their experienced colleagues, both formally and informally. It is, therefore, important to ensure that the sample does not contain a disproportionate number of high schools, which might result from just sampling proportional to size.

  9. The school response rates for each state were: 71 percent in Florida; 82 percent in Massachusetts; and 71 percent in Michigan.

  10. Individual response rates in each of the three states are as follows: 63 percent in Florida; 67 percent in Massachusetts; and 69 percent in Michigan.

  11. School-level data were obtained from the U.S. Department of Education’s Common Core of Data and from state departments of education. We consulted state databases to fill in gaps in the Common Core of Data.

  12. Additional information on sampling and response is available from the authors.

  13. Additional information on instrument development is available from the authors.

  14. Notably, we found few significant differences between high school teachers and elementary/middle school teachers.

  15. School economic status breakdowns follow those published in the “Education Watch State Summaries” by the Education Trust (2003). High-income schools are defined as schools where less than 15 percent of the students qualify for free or reduced-price lunch. Low-income schools are defined as schools where greater than 50 percent of the students qualify for free or reduced-price lunch.

  16. These differences were not statistically significant.

  17. The differences for same-school and same-subject mentor matches were not statistically significant. The very large difference for same-grade-level matches was statistically significant.

  18. All differences were statistically significant except the difference in classroom observation and conversations about classroom instruction.

  19. Differences in classroom observation and conversations about curriculum and lesson planning were statistically significant. Differences in conversations about classroom management and discipline and classroom instruction were not.

  20. Notably, 100 percent of both groups—new teachers in high-income and low-income schools—should be reasonably expected to have at least three conversations with their mentors about these three substantive topics related to their teaching by the spring of their first year. Therefore, while the percentages in high-income schools are higher than those in low-income schools, arguably, they are also not high enough.

  21. It is true that some schools experience large influxes of new teachers and, therefore, face shortages of experienced teachers able and willing to support the incoming beginners. Still, our qualitative study of new teachers (Johnson and The Project on the Next Generation of Teachers 2004) suggests that this new generation of teachers differs from the generation of teachers described by Lortie (1975) in his landmark sociological study. Lortie described teachers as preferring privacy and autonomy. While this new generation of teachers values their independence, they also want feedback on their teaching, opportunities for collaborative work, and classroom observations. The new teachers in our study said they wanted experienced teachers to help show them the way.

  22. This difference, though large, is not statistically significant.

  23. This term refers to the existing belief that all participants are acting in good faith (Meyer and Rowan 1978).

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Acknowledgments

Research for this paper was conducted under the auspices of the Project on the Next Generation of Teachers at the Harvard Graduate School of Education. Funding was provided by the Spencer Foundation; however, the analysis and conclusions presented here are solely those of the authors.

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Correspondence to Susan M. Kardos.

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Kardos, S.M., Johnson, S.M. New teachers’ experiences of mentoring: The good, the bad, and the inequity. J Educ Change 11, 23–44 (2010). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10833-008-9096-4

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