Archives of Sexual Behavior

, Volume 40, Issue 1, pp 5–15 | Cite as

“Women’s Bodies are Shops”: Beliefs About Transactional Sex and Implications for Understanding Gender Power and HIV Prevention in Tanzania

  • Joyce Wamoyi
  • Angela Fenwick
  • Mark Urassa
  • Basia Zaba
  • William Stones
ORIGINAL PAPER
First Online:
Received:
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Accepted:

Abstract

Although transactional sex has been linked to undesirable sexual health outcomes, there is a lack of clarity as to the meaning of the practice, which appears to extend beyond behaviors related to women’s economic circumstances. This article explored the perspectives of parents and unmarried young people on motivations for, and beliefs about, transactional sex in rural Tanzania using an ethnographic research design. Data collection involved 17 focus groups and 46 in-depth interviews with young people aged 14–24 years and parents/caregivers. Transactional sex was widely accepted by both parents and young people. Male parents equated sexual exchange to buying meat from a butcher and interpreted women’s demand for exchange before sex with personal power. Young men referred to transactional sex as the easiest way to get a woman to satisfy their sexual desires while also proving their masculinity. Young women perceived themselves as lucky to be created women as they could exploit their sexuality for pleasure and material gain. They felt men were stupid for paying for “goods” (vagina) they could not take away. Mothers were in agreement with their daughters. Although young women saw exploitation of the female body in positive terms, they were also aware of the health risks but ascribed these to bad luck. Interventions aimed at tackling transactional sex in the interests of women’s empowerment and as a strategy for HIV prevention need to understand the cultural beliefs associated with the practice that may make it thrive despite the known risks.

Keywords

Young people Transactional sex Gender power HIV Tanzania 
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Notes

Acknowledgements

We are very grateful to all the young people and adults who participated in this study. We benefited enormously from the work of one research assistant, Shindika Enos, and acknowledge his contribution. We are also grateful to the four transcribers, Neema Gambish, Mbango Mhamba, Joyce Silas, and Happiness Ng’abi, and to our two translators, Stanslaus Shitindi and Deogratius Mazula. Our gratitude is also due to the assistance of the administrative staff at NIMR and the TAZAMA project. Throughout the study, we received invaluable support and advice from many colleagues in the National Institute for Medical Research, in particular John Changalucha and Pieter Riemes, and Saseendran Pallikdavath from the University of Southampton. The study was funded by the University of Southampton.

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Copyright information

© Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2010

Authors and Affiliations

  • Joyce Wamoyi
    • 1
    • 2
  • Angela Fenwick
    • 2
  • Mark Urassa
    • 1
  • Basia Zaba
    • 1
    • 3
  • William Stones
    • 2
    • 4
  1. 1.National Institute for Medical ResearchMwanzaTanzania
  2. 2.Division of Medical Education, School of MedicineUniversity of SouthamptonSouthamptonUK
  3. 3.Centre for Population StudiesLondon School of Hygiene and Tropical MedicineLondonUK
  4. 4.Faculty of Health SciencesAga Khan University HospitalNairobiKenya

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