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Displaying the sacred past: Ancient Christian inscriptions in early modern Rome

  • Ann Marie Yasin
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Abstract

This article looks at the history of collecting early Christian inscriptions from Rome and its relationship to the study and presentation of classical epigraphy. The epigraphic collection gathered by Marco Antonio Boldetti at the church of S. Maria, in Trastevere exemplifies the increasing visibility of Christian inscriptions both in academic writing and in the actual walls of churches around the city. Yet, the motivations for collecting and the mechanisms for displaying the early Christian inscriptions were fundamentally conditioned by their perceived value not only as historical documents, but also religious objects.

Keywords

Eighteenth Century Classical Tradition Historical Document Fifteenth Century Ancient History 
These keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.

Abbreviations used

CBCR

Corpus basilicarum christianarum Romae, Città del Vaticano: Pontificio istituto di archeologia cristiana, 1937–77

DACL

Dictionnaire d’archéologie chrétienne et de liturgie, Paris: Letouzey & Ané, 1907–51

DBI

Dizionario biografico degli Italiani, Roma: Istituto della Enciclopedia italiana, 1960-

RAC

Rivista di archeologia cristiana

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References

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    That sculpted sarcophagi (and some small precious objects such as decorated lamps) were however coveted and collected at this time is immediately apparent from Bosio’s book (e.g. “Questo Pilo fù ritrovato nel cauare i fondamenti della Basilica di S. Pietro l’anno 1592 & hora si vede in vna Casa priuata à Monte Giordano, nella quale habitaua già Mondigno Giusto, Auditore di Rota; & hora vi stà l’Ambasciatore di Bologna…,” Roma sotterranea, p. 65; “Dal Vaticano fù trasportato questo Pilo al Giardino delli Serenissimi Medici, nel Monte Pincio; doue hore si vede posto in vn viale per vso fontana…,” Roma sotterranea, p. 103).Google Scholar
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    Ciampini was also interested in the funerary markers and burial practices of the ancients, and even includes transcriptions of several funerary inscriptions in his book. In the second volume ofVetera monimenta (Roma, 1699), he deals exclusively with early Christian material and devotes an entire chapter to tombs (cap. III, “De antiquis Christianorum Sepulchris,” including a plate illustrating Ravennate sarcophagi [Tab. III]).Google Scholar
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    Other efforts include Clement XI’s 1701 renewal of earlier decrees which prohibited the export of antiquities from Rome (see Ludwig Pastor,History of the Popes from the Close of the Middle Ages, vol. 33, St. Louis: B. Herder, 1952 (reprint s.l. [Wilmington, N.C.]: Consortium Books, n.d. [1977?]), pp. 508–09; orig:Geschichte der Päpste seit dem Ausgang des Mittelalters, vol. 15, Freiburg im Breisgau: Herder & Co., 1930, pp. 367–68). A subsequent edict of 1704 stressed both early Christian and pagan antiquities and mandated that all new discoveries of paintings, stuccos, mosaics, inscriptions and other materials be reported to specific officials (printed in Carlo Fea,Dei diritti del principato sugli antichi edifizi publici sacri e profani in occasione del panteon di Marco Agrippa, Roma: Fulgoni, 1806, pp. 76–8).Google Scholar
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    So comfortable was Boldetti in his positions asCustode and canon of S. Maria in Trastevere that he reputedly turned down Clement XI’s offer of a bishopric (Giammaria Mazzuchelli,Gli scrittori d’Italia cioé notizie storiche, e critiche intorno alle vite e agli scritti dei letterati Italiani, vol. 2, pt. 3, Brescia: Giambatista Bossini, 1762, pp. 1449–51); for general biography see Leclercq,DACL, vol. II, 1 (1908) s.v. ‘Boldetti (Marco Antonio),’ cols. 974–76, and N. Parise,DBI, vol. 11 (1969), s.v. ‘Boldetti, Marcantonio,’ pp. 247–49.Google Scholar
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    Full title:Osservazioni sopra i cimiteri de’ Santi Martiri ed antichi Cristiani di Roma. Aggiuntavi la Serie di tutti quelli, che sino al presente si sono scoperti, e di altri simili, che in varie Parti del Mondo si trovano: con alcune riflessioni pratiche sopra il Culto delle Sagre Reliquie, Roma: Presso G. M. Salvioni, 1720. The publication of Boldetti’s book was announced in theGiornale de’ Letterati d’Italia, vol. 33, part 2 (Venezia, 1722), pp. 504–05, and a summary provided in theActa Eruditorium (Lipsia, 1722), pp. 513–24.Google Scholar
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    Mabillon cited a particular incident in which pope Gregory IV was forced to decline a request for relics by the Archbishop of Mainz, due to a shortage of holy remains in the catacombs (Leclercq,Mabillon, vol. 2, pp. 713–15).Google Scholar
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    As Joseph Urban Bergkamp points out (Dom Mabillon and the Benedictine Historical School of Saint-Maur, Washington D.C.: The Catholic Univ. of America, 1928, p. 89, n. 6), only the first of the two printed editions of this letter are given in the most commonly cited source, theVetera Analecta edition of 1723 (Paris). The text of both editions, however, is reprinted in Dom Thuiller’sOeuvres posthumes de Mabillon et de Ruinart, Paris: F. Barnaby et al., 1724, vol. I, pp. 213ff. On Mabillon’s reaction to the cult of relics see Leclercq,DACL, vol. X, 1 (1931), s.v. ‘Mabillon,’ cols. 609–19, id., Dom Thuiller’sOeuvres posthumes de Mabillon, vol. 2, pp. 712–50, and Knowles’s summary of the situation (“Jean Mabillon,” pp. 230–31).Google Scholar
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    Knowles, “Jean Mabillon,” pp. 222–24. Mabillon was vigorous, for example, in his examination of early monastic charters in terms of writing, style, signature, etc. in order to establish a working methodology for distinguishing authentic and spurious documents (see Knowles,Great Historical Enterprises, pp. 46–8).Google Scholar
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    Protesto poi, aver io intrapreso una tale fatica altrettanto più volontieri, quanto mi giova sperare, che la verità, che in essa si prendono a discoprire, potranno facilmente capirsi da persone eziandio di minore intelligenza, come dedotte dalla pratica di fomiglianti materie: non ostante qualunque sinistro concetto, che contro le Sagre Reliquie de’ Cimiterj di Roma avessero queste formato a cagione di una Epistola (divulgata anche fra noi) scritta già dall’Eruditissimo P. Gio. Mabillone sotto nome di Eusebio Romano a Teofilo Gallo sopra il Culto de’ Martiri Anonimi, da molti o non capita, o in altro senso diverso da quello dell’Autore interpretata” (unpaginated, 2–3rd page of “L’autore a chi legge”). That criticism still raged over Boldetti’s incorporation of antiquities, including certain inscriptions believed to be pagan, is evident from Marangoni’s defensive text of 1744,Delle cose gentilesche e profane transportate ad uso e adornamento delle Chiese (Roma). This entire book reads as a justification for the use of paganspolia (broadly defined) in Christianity. Marangoni cites precedents from Scripture and early Church history for appropriations of all sorts (e.g., cap I, “Che il trasferirsi le Cose Gentilesche al culto del Vero Dio, è conforme alla Ragione ed alla Divina Scrittura”), from symbols (cap. XII ff.), feasts and rituals (cap. XXIV ff.), to the title ofpontifex maximus (cap. XXXVII), and physical monuments such as obelisks and the Vatican’s bronzepigna (cap. LXIX).Google Scholar
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    Osservazioni, lib. I, cap. XLVI, pp. 248–49.Google Scholar
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    Cf.Osservazioni lib. I cap. XXXIII: “Che gli antichi Cristiani, per collocarvi il Sangue de’ Martiri, adoperarono ogni sorta di vasi e di vetro, e di terra, e d’ altra materia, e i loro frammenti quantunque fossero fattura de’ Gentili, ed avessero già ai loro usi servito,” Osservazioni, 162ff. Boldetti’s view supported the decree of the Congregation of Rites from 1668 which declared that a grave marked with palms or small vessels stained with blood could be considered to contain (or to have contained) the remains of a confessor of the faith. Mabillon’s challenging of this decree was deemed risky by his colleagues and caused him to delay publication of his views for nearly a decade. Mabillon was not however alone, as Daniel van Papenbroeck and others had also begun to question the role of the palm as clear-cut symbol identifying a martyr’s tomb (Leclercq,Mabillon, vol. 2, pp. 715–16; Bergkamp,Dom Mabillon, pp. 85–98). Mabillon’s caution is especially understandable in light of the violent criticism Papenbroeck suffered for his writings, including an accusation of heresy by the Spanish inquistion (Leclercq, DACL, vol. XVII, 1 [1937], s.v. ‘Papenbroeck (Daniel van),’ cols. 1345–58).Google Scholar
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    Leclercq translates portions of these letters inMabillon, vol. 1, pp. 406 and vol. 2, p. 712 (Leclercq’s catalogue of correspondence nos. 553 and 554); on this incident see also Knowles, “Jean Mabillon,” p. 230.Google Scholar
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    Ad illud quod mihi concessum est corpus ex gratia eminentissimi Cardinalis Carpinei, nullum nomen exstabat, sed tantum vitrum cum ferreo instrumento dentato, quod martyrii instrumentum esse putant” (Iter Italicum, p. 136, translated in Leclercq,Mabillon, vol. 1. pp. 405–06).Google Scholar
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    Questo S. Corpo con l’Iscrizione fu conceduto dell’Eminentissimo Signor Cardinal di Carpegna al Sig. D. Claudio Rivet per la Chiesa Parrochiale di S. Giuliano del luogo detto S. Giuliano nella Contea di Borgogna” (Osservazioni, lib. II, p. 343).Google Scholar
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    The passage continues, “…ad effetto d’illustrare con esso una delle sette Chiese esistenti nel Castello di Monselice nella Diocese di Padova Padronato della sua Nobilissima Famiglia; alle quali la sa. me. di Paolo V. concedette con Bolla speciale le stesse Indulgenze, e Privilegj, che godono le sette Chiese di Roma; Per secondare poi le divote brame del mentovato Signor Cavalier Duodo, oltre le numerose Reliquie, e Corpi Santi, che da molti anni si venerano nel Santuario di quelle sette Chiese, nel tempo della sua gloriosa Ambasciaria in Roma, è stato anche onorato di varie altre Reliquie, e Corpi de’ Martiri da molti Porporati, e Vescovi di varie Diocesi”Osservazioni, lib. II, cap. III, pp. 339–40).Google Scholar
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    Osservazioni lib. II. cap. I, p. 330.Google Scholar
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    Osservazioni lib. II, cap. I, p. 330. Cf. “…per lo spazio di molti anni ho avuto in forte di ritrovare, ed estrarre dalle tenebre de i Sagri Cimiterj” (ibid.) (Osservazioni, lib. II, cap. III, pp. 339–40).Google Scholar
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    Boldetti originally arranged the inscriptions in the portico and chapel of the sacristy of sta. Maria in Trastevere (Mazzuchelli,Gli scrittori, vol. 2, pt. 3, p. 1450). The early Christian antiquities Boldetti arranged in the sacristy, together with many medieval and renaissance tombstones from the interior of the church, were moved to the portico after the excavations under the pavement of the church conducted by Vespignani in 1865–69. SeeCBCR vol. III, p. 67–8; G. B. De Rossi, “Scoperte nella basilica di S. Maria in Trastevere,”Bullettino di archeologia cristiana, ser. 1, 4 (1866): 76. Vincenzo Forcella lists the eleventh-through nineteenth-century inscriptions from the church, many of which are now also housed in the portico:Inscrizioni delle chiese e d’altri edificii di Roma dal secolo XI fino ai giorni nostri, vol. II, Roma: Fratelli Bencini, 1873, pp. 335–79. Not only was the inscription collection in the porch subsequently augmented by these inscriptions from the church interior, but many of the examples installed by Boldetti (approximately 50) were also removed for transfer to the Vatican epigraphic collections during the course of the nineteenth century (Giandomenico Spinola, “Nascita e sviluppo della sezione epigrafica cristiana dei Musei Vaticani,” in:Index Inscriptionum Musei Vaticani, 1.Ambulacrum Iulianum sive ‘Galleria Lapidaria’, ed. Ivan Di Stefano Manzella, Città del Vaticano: Officina Libraria Pontificia, 1995, p. 26).Google Scholar
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    Apparently for reasons of economy, Fontana’s first design included sculpted Albani monti as the main feature of the upper part of the façade. These, however, were replaced with the statues of the saints when Clement XI reallocated an additional 21 travertine blocks from the campanile project of S. Peter’s (Braham and Hager,Carlo Fontana, p. 78, and esp. cat. no. 136 [fig. 112]).Google Scholar
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    The medieval cloister, which is now encrusted with archaeological fragments, was apparently unadorned in 1645 when Cornelio Margarini published its inscriptions (Inscriptiones Antiquae Basilicae S. Pauli ad viam Ostiensem, Roma: F. Moneta, 1654). Margarini’s book lists the inscriptions in the church and monastery by location, and the author gives no indication of reappropriation or relocation of earlier tombstones (p. XXXXVr., nos. 620–22). With the exception of three pagan inscriptions serving as conventional garden ornaments, the inscriptions Margarini records seem to bein situ, marking original tomb sites in the church. For example, in the chapter on the central nave (“Navis media a porta usque ad gradus”) a typical inscription entry reads, “38. Inter 2. & 3. columnam. An. Chr. 424. DEPS. EST. IN. PACE. FILIO./CASTINO. VC. COS.” (Margarini, p. IV). For a history of the epigraphy collection see Ivan di Stefano Manzella, “La raccolta lapidaria,” in:San Paolo Fuori le Mura a Roma, ed. Carlo Pietrangeli, Firenze: Nardini Editore, 1988, pp. 266–81.Google Scholar
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    Quisquis es aut civis aut exterus/ fauste vivas/ et veterum lapidum/ inscriptis notis insignium/ lautissima pulcherrima/ supellectile/ fruere merito libens./ publico enim bono et commodo/ ex adiacentis basilicae pavimento,/ ne longo incedentium attritu/ diutius deperirent/ plerisque adiectis undique conquisitis/ in hoc peristylium/ vetustate et artificio admirabile/ translati dedicatique sunt/ an(no) sal(utis) MDCCLVI (Manzella, “La raccolta,” p. 267).Google Scholar
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    For an interesting discussion on the “voice” of ancient epitaphs and their strategies for attracting the attention of the passer-by, see Helmut Häusel,Das Denkmal als Garant des Nachruhms: eine Studie zu einem Motiv in Lateinischen Inschriften, Zetemata 75 München: C. H. Beck, 1980, section C, “Das Denkmal und sein Leser”, pp. 41–63.Google Scholar
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    Giovanni Marangoni,Il divoto pellegrino, guidato ed istruito nella visita delle quattro basiliche di Roma, per il giubileo dell’anno santo MDCCL, Roma: Chracas, 1749. Only the Lateran cloister’s antiquities collection is briefly mentioned (pp. 318–19). On Marangoni’s defense of Boldetti’s work see above n. 32.Google Scholar
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    Osservazioni, p. 330.Google Scholar
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    Marangoni too in his guidebook description of S. Maria in Trastevere draws the pilgrims’ attention to both the inscriptions and the statues of saints adorning the portico (Il divoto pellegrino, pp. 169–70).Google Scholar
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    See Johns,Papal Art, pp. 36–38.Google Scholar
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    See Angelo Mai,Scriptorum veterum nova collectio e vaticanis codicibus edita, vol. V, Roma: Typis Vaticanis, 1831, pp. v-ix. On the history of the “Museo Ecclesiastico,” see Carlo Pietrangeli,The Vatican Museums: Five Centuries of History, Vatican City: Quasar and Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1993 (orig.:Musei Vaticani. Cinque secoli di storia, Roma: Quasar, 1985), p. 37, and the useful review of the history of the papal collections of Christian epigraphy by De Rossi, “Il museo epigrafico cristiano pio-lateranense,”Bullettino di archeologia cristiana, ser. 3, 1 (1876): 120-44. For the museum’s contents, see the inventory published by Christian Hülsen, “Il ‘Museo Ecclesiastico’ di Clemente XI Albani,”Bullettino della Commissione Archeologica Communale di Roma 18 (1890): 260–77.Google Scholar
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    Giovanni Pietro Chattard provides a contemporary description of the layout and collection of the Museo Cristiano inNuova descrizione del vaticano o sia del palazzo apostolico di San Pietro, vol. III, Roma, 1767, pp. 54–58. For a brief sketch of the history of the Vatican museums in English, see Carlo Pietrangeli, “The Vatican Museums,” in:The Vatican Collections: The Papacy and Art, New York: Harry N. Abrams, 1982, pp. 14–25.Google Scholar

Copyright information

© Springer 2000

Authors and Affiliations

  • Ann Marie Yasin
    • 1
  1. 1.Department of Art HistoryUniversity of ChicagoChicagoUSA

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