Abstract
In the past decade, research on bilingual visual word recognition has given rise to a new line of study focusing on a sublexical orthographic variable referred to as orthographic markedness, derived from the comparison of the two orthotactic distributions known by a bilingual reader. Orthographic markers have been shown to speed up language decisions but also, to some extent, to modulate language nonselectivity during lexical access (i.e., the degree of co-activation of lexical representations of the two languages). In this review, we (1) describe the results available in the literature about orthographic markedness on language membership detection and lexical access and discuss the locus of these effects, which leads us to (2) present theoretical extensions to the bilingual interactive activation models and discuss their respective adequacy to the data, finally leading us to (3) propose future research directions in the study of orthographic markedness, such as extension to different reading tasks and contexts as well as considering developmental and learning dynamics.
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Notes
It should be noted that the recent Multilink model by Dijkstra et al. (2019) also simulates very successfully the empirical results obtained across different tasks and modalities, such as lexical decision, naming, and translation, with words of different lexical frequency and cognate status. However, we have chosen not to describe it further because of the absence of sublexical levels (probably due to a focus on semantic dimensions), which are necessary to account for the sublexical orthographic effects discussed below in this work, and of word-level lateral inhibition, a key parameter so far for simulating cross-language lexical competition and L1/L2 integrated lexicon.
Note that deciding which language a pseudoword could belong to is also influenced by orthographic neighborhood, a lexical orthographic variable (Oganian et al., 2016).
Language attribution of pseudowords was influenced by such similarity in that the more sublexically similar a pseudoword was to either L1 or L2 (i.e., with more frequent bigrams in one language than the other), the more likely participants were to associate it with the corresponding language.
The authors also reported a word superiority effect (i.e., faster and more accurate responses in identifying a letter in a word than in a pseudoword). The interaction between lexicality of the item and its orthographic markedness was, however, nonsignificant.
The underlying mechanism of these effects could also stem from a sublexical language node rather than a postlexical one, since orthographic markedness was not controlled in these studies (see, for example, Casaponsa & Duñabeitia, 2016).
`Grainger and Beauvillain’s (1987) seminal study reported a modulation of language mixing costs as a function of markedness. Using a language-inclusive lexical decision task, the authors found a mixing cost in English/French bilinguals (i.e., longer reaction times for words in mixed than in pure lists) that was significant only in the unmarked word condition. However, as Thomas and Allport (2000) later pointed out, a methodological bias prevented gaining a clear picture because only unmarked pseudowords were used, meaning that the presence of an orthographic marker was always associated with a yes response. Other studies by Orfanidou and Sumner (2005) or Thomas and Allport (2000) found no effect of markedness on language switching, except when the presentation of marked and unmarked items was blocked by list rather than in a mixed list, a situation in which language switching cost was then reduced for marked words (Orfanidou & Sumner, 2005).
Interestingly, the meta-analysis by Lauro and Schwartz (2017) also pointed out a modulation of cognate effects by task, with larger effects when involving semantics (e.g., translation task) compared to lower-level identification processes (e.g., lexical decision task) and the smallest effects when no overt response was required (using eye-tracking recordings).
The term “congruency” here reflects a similarity between the phonemes of each language rather than an identity, since even highly similar phonemes do not display exactly the same phonetic characteristics from one language to another.
We refer here to both absolute letter frequency and positional letter frequency, which also happens to be critical in letter processing (Ktori & Pitchford, 2009).
We assume that the processes underlying the encoding of letter identity and position should be implemented in a similar way in both languages of a bilingual (biliterate) reader (see Yang et al., 2021, on recent findings on the impact of L1 to L2 letter position coding). The main variables that affect how these early visuo-orthographic processes unfold may be primarily related to readers’ proficiency and print exposure in a particular language, and even possibly to properties of the writing system itself, but probably not to L1 or L2 status per se. Beyond the L1/L2 interactions discussed in this literature review, we think that future research should also examine processes within the L2 itself: the sublexical “coarse-grained” orthographic coding described above (e.g., Grainger & Ziegler, 2011), and other mechanisms described extensively in L1 but about which little is known in L2 (e.g., lexical competition between L2 words; see, for example, Nakayama & Lupker, 2018).
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The authors have declared no potential conflict of interest. This research was supported by the French Ministry of Higher Education, Research and Innovation, to whom we are grateful, which awarded a doctoral grant to the first author.
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Lecerf, MA., Casalis, S. & Commissaire, E. New insights into bilingual visual word recognition: State of the art on the role of orthographic markedness, its theoretical implications, and future research directions. Psychon Bull Rev (2023). https://doi.org/10.3758/s13423-023-02347-6
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.3758/s13423-023-02347-6