Introduction

As per the “49th China Statistical Report on Internet Development” published by the China Internet Network Information Centre (CNNIC) in February 2022, there were 1.032 billion Internet users in China as of December 2021, with a 73% penetration rate. With an ever-growing number of Internet users in China, cyberspace has gradually become a symbolic system for the public. The most common linguistic expressions used by online users in a network are referred to as “network buzzwords”. These buzzwords act as the primary medium for the transmission of information, meaning, and ideas in cyberspace, and are also a symbol of individual identity power in the real world. With their fermenting function and special significance, they often have an impact on social reality (Stets et al. 2014).

As communication in cyberspace is characterised by freedom, anonymity, and symbol diversity, it is easier to establish identity attributes and emotional belonging among young groups (Nagarajan 2022). With the rise of the Internet, network buzzwords have become a new form of discourse in the digital era. They are created in popular social events and serve as an essential vehicle for expressing public social opinion, which greatly stimulates young people’s enthusiasm for social participation. Post-subculture scholars argue that the exhibition venues of contemporary youth subculture have shifted from offline to online, meaning they use virtual new tribes in cyberspace to engage in ritual resistance (McCulloch et al. 2006).

Despite the critical importance of analysing online buzzwords pertaining to the construction of youth identity from a gender perspective, only three pertinent studies conducted by Cao (2017), Gong (2016), and Yan (2021) have been identified. However, while these studies have provided valuable insights, they have solely examined one or two buzzwords within a particular domain (e.g., “fan”). This study aims to expand upon the existing literature and body of research by analysing network buzzwords and responding to the following research questions:

Q1: How do young people linguistically construct their identities, in relation to wider discourse and sociocultural contexts/practices, through the use of gender-specific network buzzwords?

Q2: What kinds of youth identity, with a focus on gender, are reflected in these network buzzwords?

Q3: What are the ideological implications of using these gender-specific buzzwords on Weibo?

Examining how young people reinforce or challenge gender norms and stereotypes in online environments using gender-specific buzzwords is of paramount importance, particularly considering the prevalence of gender nonconforming youth in Chinese society as reported by the Chinese news media (Yu et al. 2023a, 2023b). The perpetuation of traditional gender ideologies in the media and popular culture can be confronted by promoting positive portrayals of gender diversity and condemning detrimental gender stereotypes. This may involve highlighting commendable role models, encouraging a wide range of inclusive gender representations in the media, and actively discouraging harmful gender stereotypes. Network buzzwords, as a form of discourse, can be analysed for their textual features, offering valuable insights into how young communities establish group identity through gender perspectives in their written communication.

Literature review

The social identity theory

Identity recognises the commonalities of the group to which an individual belongs, including one’s definition of external uniqueness (such as the body), internal experiences (such as the mind), and certain structural factors that determine social position (such as nationality, class, gender, race, etc.) (Brown 2000). Identity is constructed through language in interactive situations, within social, cultural, and historical contexts, and is a diverse and fluid process (Edwards 2009). Cultural allusions, humour, and intertextuality are all used by social network language to establish identity (Seargeant and Tagg 2014). Language is not only one factor in the process of constructing an identity; the process is also a constructive, active, and dynamic one. In order to achieve individual collectivisation on social media, users actively look for connections and points of commonality with other users through network language (Bamberg et al. 2011). Language acts as a channel for the construction of identity or differentiation, and the act of identification also makes it possible for an inclusive community to emerge.

Personal identity and social identity are the two components of the social identity theory. It describes the part of a person’s identity that stems from their perception of belonging to a significant social group (Turner and Reynolds 2010). The social identity hypothesis was created to use social identity to explain intergroup behaviour. Based on the premise that identities are produced through a process of difference, defined in a relative or flexible manner, depending on the activities in which one engages (Turner and Reynolds 2010), the theory also investigates the “ingroup” and “outgroup” phenomenon. The social identity theory contends that interactions within a group can alter an individual’s behaviour (Turner and Reynolds 2010).

Three steps are involved in the process of creating a social identity: classification, identification, and comparison (Turner and Reynolds 2010). First, people divide themselves into groups based on social constructs like race and nationality in order to better understand and identify themselves. They refer to people using a category term even though they do not really know who they are. Identification is the second step, and according to Benwell and Stokoe (2006), it is the act, occurrence, or state of being identified. Identification serves to confirm a person’s identity, whereas identity refers to who they are. The final step is social comparison. Once individuals have categorised and identified themselves, they may start comparing themselves with other groups in a favourable way. They do this to maintain their self-esteem, and this concept is critical to understanding prejudice. When two groups identify themselves as separate and rivals, they begin to compete to maintain self-esteem.

Studies of online buzzwords in China

Research investigating online buzzwords in China is available. For instance, Lian (2011) studied the network buzzword yizu (蚁族; ant tribe) and used a questionnaire to measure intra-group preference and external derogation of the term. Additionally, Lian analysed media reports on yizu (蚁族; ant tribe), its social creation, and how to promote its group status in social competition. Lian (2011) discovered that a majority of low-income college graduates identify with the yizu (蚁族; ant tribe) identity, exhibiting “in-group preference” and “out-group derogation” characteristics, while “hukou” (household registration) and media construction significantly impact identity recognition. Guo (2018) used qualitative content analysis to investigate the characteristics and trends of online buzzwords in China from 2003 to 2015. She created a typology of buzzword tendencies, which included “(1) the tendency of labelling, (2) the tendency of framing, (3) the tendency of violence, and (4) the tendency of emptying-out” (Guo 2018: 142).

In addition to these studies on online buzzwords in China, most research has focused on the buzzword diaosi (屌丝; penis thread). This buzzword utilises the practice of combination and opposition to broaden its meanings through homonyms. The term is combined with other words, such as diaosi nixi (屌丝逆袭; penis thread counterattack) and diaosi jingshen (屌丝精神; penis thread spirit), to construct a linguistic identity that differs from real-world identities. Those who identify as diaosi (屌丝; penis thread) use it to challenge the social order that is divided by wealth and to resist this identity in the real world. As the word diaosi (屌丝; penis thread) has spread, its semantics have become more generalised. Huang (2021) takes a critical sociolinguistic approach to examine three texts containing the buzzwords diaosi (屌丝; penis thread) and/or shamate (杀马特; kill horse special). He argues that seemingly grassroots online messaging in China is actually targeted at the urban new poor, consisting of white-collar employees and college students. Similarly, Lin and Zhao (2022) use critical discourse analysis (CDA) to investigate three buzzwords diaosi (屌丝; penis thread), Zhao (赵; surname) and xiaofenhong (小粉紅, little pinkos) – in the Baidu Forum. They contend that online use of these buzzwords is not just a cultural issue, but also a political and governing theme linked to the governance rationality of modern China. However, despite valuable insight from these studies on buzzwords, none of them explore gender-specific buzzwords.

Three studies conducted in China investigate online buzzwords from a gender perspective, as of our investigation. Yan (2021) uses a communication studies approach to explore network buzzwords in Chinese cyberspace since 2010. She analyses the gender phrases “leftover women” and “big heroines”, finding that these buzzwords demonstrate how populism and male chauvinism reinforce unequal gender power structures in Chinese culture. Cao (2017) closely analyses two web series to investigate the significance of diaosi (屌丝; penis thread) masculinity within Chinese youth culture and question the discursive construction of this masculinity in media portrayals. He argues that the notion of diaosi (屌丝; penis thread) masculinity is somewhat unclear in terms of identity, as it seemingly challenges prevalent values by creating distance from them. However, simultaneously, this approach unintentionally reinforces the very discourse it aims to oppose and move away from. Similarly, Gong (2016) uses CDA to investigate 50 online discussions of Chinese Arsenal fans. He finds that these fans reproduced, contested, and racialised the dominant masculine order by using the buzzwords gao fu shuai (高富帅; tall, rich, and handsome) and diaosi (屌丝; penis thread). However, despite the insights brought from these gender studies on buzzwords, they only investigate one to two buzzwords in a particular circle (e.g. fan).

Examining the use of online gender-specific buzzwords to construct youth identity is crucial as it can reveal how young people reinforce or challenge gender norms and stereotypes in online spaces. Encouraging positive representations of gender diversity and critiquing harmful gender stereotypes can serve as effective tools for opposing traditional gender ideologies in the media and popular culture. This may involve promoting a range of inclusive gender representations in the media, highlighting positive role models, and combating damaging gender stereotypes. As network buzzwords are a form of discourse, analysing the textual characteristics of discourse subjects can aid in discussing how young groups construct group identity through texts from a gender perspective.

Data collection and method

For our study, we selected the annual Top-Ten Network Buzzwords list published by this magazine from 2012 to 2021 (see Table 1). This selection enabled us to identify and focus on the most influential buzzwords related to gender. Hu and Hu (2021) categorised six evaluation agencies into three types based on their attributes: media, big data platforms, and search engines. Three media agencies, namely Yaowen Jiaozi (an independent media agency), Zi Meiti (a corporate media agency), and Wei Yan Jiaoyu (a government official media agency), were identified (Hu and Hu 2021). The big data platforms include Qingbo Big Data and Sina Public Opinion, while the search engine agency is Baidu Feidian (Hu and Hu 2021). From these, we selected the magazine Yaowen Jiaozi, as it releases positive, negative, and neutral network buzzwords, which reflect the magazine’s introspection on the current social situation from a media perspective (Luo 2022). Additionally, the network buzzwords announced by this magazine have been consistently released since 2006 and possess a wide influence with a high forwarding rate (as of 2019, the forwarding rate reached one billion times) (Hu and Hu 2021).

Table 1 The annual list of Top-Ten Network Buzzwords published by Yaowen Jiaozi from 2012 to 2021.
Full size table

According to previous studies, the content orientation of network catchwords can be divided into six categories: criticism of current problems, emotional expression, specific language, identity groups, zeitgeist, and pure entertainment (Dong 2021). The classification of identity-related network buzzwords is based on the following definition: identity is a product of social structure and social construction. From the perspective of social structure, identity is essential, including elements such as race, class, gender, etc. From the perspective of social construction, identity is the product of one’s active construction through lifestyle, culture, etc. (Kasperiuniene and Zydziunaite 2019). Combining these two perspectives, identity-related network buzzwords can be divided into three categories: class, gender, and lifestyle. To be specific, class is divided according to the possession of means of production; gender is divided into men and women; lifestyle is a behaviour pattern closely related to the concept of life. We categorised the annual list of Top-Ten Network Buzzwords with the software QSR International’s NVivo 12 Pro, and coding results were tested. The inter-rater reliability (0.98) shows a strong level of consistency (Cohen 1960). All the differences in coding were solved after our discussion, and the results are shown in Table 2.

Table 2 Identity-related network buzzwords of 2012–2021.
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For this study, we employed purposive sampling to consider the entire dataset of interest (Li et al. 2023). As Matthiessen (2006: 108) indicates, the chosen articles must be “highly valued in the community or […] [have] special significance in some domain such as history or politics [and, thus, can be treated] as artefacts – objects of study in their own right”. Additionally, influential posts on social media can “inspire courageous deeds, change the course of history, and give hope in sad times” (Li et al. 2023: 4). Given the objective of investigating youth identity from a gender perspective in relation to text, discourse practice, sociocultural practice, and their ideological implications, the article selection criteria are as follows: Firstly, the selected articles must hold significant influence among the youth. Secondly, they should reflect youth identity from a gender standpoint. To achieve this, we utilised Weibo (a major Chinese social media platform) to analyse how young people employ these buzzwords to construct their youth identity. We selected a post from the most recent three months of our analysis, up until 17th April 2023, that received the highest number of likes, indicating significant influence.Footnote 1 While examining the data in its original Chinese form, we employed back-translation techniques to translate it into English for our writing.

Since the network buzzword is an emerging discourse form in the Internet era, CDA can provide theoretical support for studying it. Considering that Fairclough’s (2013) dialectical relational approach is highly consistent with this study, we adopted this approach, which has three dimensions: text, discourse practice, and sociocultural practice. From the dimension of textual analysis, young groups classify themselves and others through the selection of vocabulary and rhetoric of buzzwords to express their established value demands. From the dimension of discourse practice, since young groups are rooted in the integrated context of social reality and cyberspace, they express their identity distinction in the form of circle talk to realise personal and social identities. From the dimension of sociocultural practice, network buzzwords are integrated with various types of discourses, such as popular, official, and elite discourses. Through network buzzwords, young groups could resolve conflicts in social structure, class, and culture in a moderate and consulting way.

For textual analysis, other critical discourse analysts have offered a wide variety of discursive strategies to supplement Fairclough’s (2013) approach in the “methodological toolbox”. Here, discursive strategies refer to “a more or less intentional plan of practices (including discursive practices), adopted in order to achieve a particular social, political, psychological, or linguistic goal. Discursive strategies are located at different levels of linguistic organisation and complexity” (Wodak 2015: 287). We found that the discursive strategy of nomination is particularly useful in our analysis of the Weibo posts where the chosen gender-specific buzzwords were situated. Nomination is the “discursive construction of social actors, objects/phenomena/events, and processes/actions” by using different rhetorical means, such as metaphors and oxymorons (Wodak 2015: 283).

Findings and discussion

Analysis of the texts: Linguistic construction of youth identity from a gender perspective

Weibo users often utilise the nomination strategy (Wodak 2015) to create separation and distinction of identity. Through the selection and application of vocabulary, discourse subjects structure discourse order in the external world. Nomination, whereby the discourse subject distinguishes themselves from others through contrast and labelling, serves to realise the function of categorisation (Turner and Reynolds 2010). Our analysis of Chinese gender-specific network buzzwords from 2014 to 2021 reveals that buzzwords containing nomination (Wodak 2015), such as bai fu mei (白富美; white rich beautiful) and gao fu shuai (高富帅; tall, rich and handsome), project a preferred identity as a means of expressing the preferences and aspirations of young people (Duriez et al. 2013). This discourse mode constructs others through nomination (Wodak 2015), reflecting the attitude of the discourse subject in their choice of appellation (see Extracts 1 and 2).

  1. (1)

    Being close to outstanding gao fu shuai (高富帅; tall, rich and handsome) means being close to a high-level energy field, which can bring a sense of relaxation and rejuvenation. Good men can nourish women and make them radiant and beautiful.

  2. (2)

    The man has proposed to a bai fu mei (白富美; white rich beautiful) who also has her own career. They have only been publicly dating for just over half a year, but when it comes to touching his own interests, a man will never compromise himself. Even a loser is striving to find a beautiful and wealthy partner. Women can really learn from this kind of male thinking.

    Extracts 1 and 2 describe the ideal type of partner for a heterosexual relationship in contemporary Chinese society. Weibo users view these identities as desirable and strive to achieve them. However, these nominations reduce people to only their physical characteristics (attractiveness) and social status (financial success), objectifying them and suggesting that their worth is solely based on their looks and wealth. Extract 1 even bases women’s worth on their proximity to attractive and wealthy men, implying that they should associate more with gao fu shuai (高富帅; tall, rich and handsome). These are stereotypes that do not accurately represent all men and reinforce harmful gender norms. The notion that women are reliant on men for their well-being and that males can “nourish” them and “make them radiant and beautiful” is also perpetuated. Extract 2 implies that a young woman’s success is defined by her acceptance of a marriage proposal, rather than her own career accomplishments. It suggests that other women should aspire to follow her example. It is worth noting that the youth identity constructed by these Weibo users perpetuates heteronormative norms and erases the experiences of LGBTQ+ people by assuming that the only ideal relationships are those between men and women.

    The nomination strategy employs various linguistic mechanisms and rhetorical devices, such as specialised vocabulary, syntactical alterations, and metaphors, to formulate identity (Wodak 2015). Rhetoric is not only a symbolic act but also a communicative act in which people use words to encourage others to adopt a certain attitude or behaviour (Alvesson and Karreman 2000). The emotional attitude about youth identity in network buzzwords can be reflected through rhetoric (Prinsen et al. 2015). It is through different rhetorical techniques that young Internet users create distance between network language and the real world. Metaphors and other rhetorical devices are not only different forms of discourse, but their ultimate purpose is to describe social reality through metaphor, establish group identity, and convey common emotions through implication. The buzzwords lücha biao (绿茶婊; green tea bitch), xiao xianrou (小鲜肉; little fresh meat), and xiao gongju (小公举; little princess) are typical examples of metaphorical realisation of perceived identity (see Extracts 3, 4, and 5).

  3. (3)

    When it comes to relationships, the emotional aspect definitely takes the lead. If you weigh the pros and cons too rationally, then where is the emotion? That’s called valuing practical benefits, and that’s where the term lücha biao (绿茶婊; green tea bitch) comes from.

  4. (4)

    At Weibo Night, when the popular male celebrities stand together, their height differences are obvious. They are all xiao xianrou (小鲜肉; little fresh meat). Who is your favourite?

  5. (5)

    The microphone is completely covered in diamonds, haha, xiao gongju (小公举; little princess).

    In Extract 3, the buzzword lücha biao (绿茶婊; green tea bitch) indicates outgroup discrimination, judging women who use their sexuality to manipulate men for personal gain. Women who are praised for their appearance are expected to be as pure and beautiful as “green tea”, while their bodies are simultaneously commodified and sold as products. These women, who appear pure like tea and are also available for transaction, are both admired for their beauty and purity but also subject to the exclusion and disdain of traditional gender norms. As a result, they are labelled with the stigma of “bitch”. Similarly, Extract 4 compares men to meat, indicating their “young age”, “lack of experience in sex”, and “desirable body” (Yu and Sui 2022). The term “little fresh meat” was first used by Chinese fans in 2014 to refer to male stars. In Extract 4, this Weibo user used the buzzword to ask other fans about their personal preference regarding male celebrities at an event. They engage in prosocial behaviours, realise social identity, and shorten the distance between themselves and their idols. The fervent admiration that fans hold for their idols is also evident in Extract 5, where a fan shares a video of Jay Chou’s concert. Jay Chou was the first singer in the entertainment industry to admit to being a xiao gongju (小公举; little princess) and claimed to have a “princess dream”. One common characteristic of “little princesses” in the entertainment industry is that they take care of themselves as if they are taking care of a princess.

  6. (6)

    Life respects me for being a nü hanzi (女汉子; female man), but I have a vulnerable side as well. If life doesn’t treat you kindly, then treat yourself well. Life is full of ups and downs, but it’s all for the purpose of meeting the best version of yourself.

    During the transition from the era of paper media to the era of intelligent media, the rhetorical device known as oxymoron has become increasingly popular for network buzzwords on the Internet. By juxtaposing words or sentences with completely opposite meanings, this kind of rhetoric expresses the contradictory psychological activities or living conditions of young groups, thus creating an unexpected effect. For example, Internet users employ the network buzzword nü hanzi (女汉子; female man), which conveys a sense of contradiction, embracing both diversity and approval of its meaning while exploring the identification of meaning and life mode (see Extract 6). Extract 6 advocates self-care and self-improvement, despite recognising oneself as a nü hanzi (女汉子; female man). Network buzzwords employing oxymorons reflect that in the era of individualisation, young groups’ understanding and perception of current society increasingly demonstrate a strong sense of self-awareness about the contained values.

  7. (7)

    Is this laoge (老哥; old brother) here to stock up at Disneyland? Hahaha.

  8. (8)

    A group of sunny, dark-skinned, six-pack xiao gege (小哥哥; little big brother)

  9. (9)

    Beautiful xiao jiejie (小姐姐; little big sister)

    When people use buzzwords to address individuals based on their gender, they may have different intentions. The buzzword laoge (老哥; old brother) can be used to acknowledge a man’s seniority or experience. Extract 7 provides an example of a humorous remark suggesting that the man in the video, who is skilled at shooting, got all the souvenirs at Disneyland. Another buzzword specifically used to refer to males is xiao gege (小哥哥; little big brother). Men who are considered attractive, exhibit characteristics of traditional masculinity, such as strength, confidence and protectiveness, and are perceived to be young, are often described using this buzzword (Yu and Nartey 2021). Additionally, the expression may imply a romantic or sexual interest in the subject being discussed. Extract 8 illustrates this trend by featuring a collection of photographs of attractive men and using the buzzword xiao gege (小哥哥; little big brother) to describe them. While the term gege (哥哥) in Chinese is typically used to address someone as “big brother”, it takes on a modified meaning with the addition of xiao (小; little), which conveys affection or humour. The inclusion of xiao (小; little) before gege (哥哥; big brother) imparts a sense of youthfulness or endearment. By employing the phrase xiao gege (小哥哥; little big brother), the speaker may be highlighting the attractiveness or desirability of these men, accentuating their charming and youthful qualities.

    Similarly, the buzzword xiao jiejie (小姐姐; little big sister) is used to refer to females who are perceived to be young and attractive and who possess feminine traits such as elegance, charm, and kindness. The term’s use could also indicate that the person being described is the subject of romantic or sexual attention. Extract 9 displays a collection of images featuring attractive women, using the buzzword xiao jiejie (小姐姐; little big sister) to describe them. The term jiejie in Chinese commonly refers to “big sister”, similar to gege (哥哥; big brother). The phrase is altered by the inclusion of the modifier xiao (小; little) to express a sense of affection or endearment. When someone says xiao jiejie (小姐姐; little big sister), it could be an expression of love or admiration towards the person mentioned, occasionally emphasising their charm or beauty in a playful or affectionate manner.

  10. (10)

    What’s wrong, jimei (集美; gathered beauty)? Women can not only advocate for feminism but also love their country.

  11. (11)

    Given the rough environment of the countryside, are there really shabaitian (傻白甜; silly, white, and sweet) who are so focused on romance?

Another buzzword, jimei (集美; gathered beauty), meaning “gathering the beauty of the world”, is also used to refer to young women who are considered attractive and fashionable. Nowadays, it is commonly used to mean “sisters” (see Extract 10). Extract 10 highlights the fact that women can have diverse interests and passions, which may encompass advocating for women’s rights as well as feeling a sense of patriotism. The statement aims to foster a social identity based on sisterhood and solidarity. In contrast, the buzzword shabaitian (傻白甜; silly, white, and sweet) is used negatively to refer to young women who are perceived as innocent and gullible, making them vulnerable to manipulation and exploitation by others, especially men. Extract 11 implies that rural women are not capable of romantic desire or cannot concentrate on anything other than survival and practical concerns, and they certainly are not shabaitian (傻白甜; silly, white, and sweet).

Discourse analysis: the discourse practice of youth identity from a gender perspective

Language is not just a collection of conventional symbols and signals; it is a way of life for human beings (Peirce 1995). Discourse practice involves the production, distribution, and consumption of text. Its nature varies according to social factors across different discourse types (Han 2015; van Dijk 1993). The process of discourse practice for network buzzwords is a social process that shapes the identity of young groups. The transmission path of network buzzwords can be divided into three steps: (1) social reality + cyberspace, (2) circle stratifying, and (3) social identity projection. As the primary users and producers of network buzzwords, young groups use online popular culture as the material for network buzzwords based on social reality. They express their identity through circle talk and realise self/group/social identification.

Origin: social reality + cyberspace

Network buzzwords have their origins in cyberspace, which includes online communities, chat applications, video websites, and discussion platforms for online games. These platforms are characterised by openness, virtuality, and sharing, which have created favourable conditions for Internet users to develop and popularise these buzzwords. In the virtual space, real identity is often hidden. For example, nü hanzi (女汉子; female man), a woman who appears tough and exhibits masculine traits or behaviour in reality, might acknowledge her vulnerability in the virtual world, as shown in Extract 6. People can also conceal their identity to attack or distance themselves from someone or groups that they resent. For instance, in Extract 3, the buzzword lücha biao (绿茶婊; green tea bitch) was used by the author to highlight the negative aspects of social interaction with this kind of people, indicating intergroup discrimination. Social identification inevitably leads to bias and discrimination (Turner and Reynolds 2010). Bourhis and Gagnon (2001) found that rewarding the ingroup has a greater positive effect on self-esteem than punishing the outgroup.

As creators and users of network buzzwords, Internet users, particularly young people, develop distinct discourse styles characterised by simplicity, entertainment, contemporariness, novelty, and popularity to meet their psychological needs for innovation, entertainment, and catharsis, as well as the needs of others for emotional release, peer identification, and group integration (Lewis and Fabos 2005). For instance, Weibo users employed the buzzwords laoge (老哥; old brother), xiao gege (小哥哥; little big brother), and xiao jiejie (小姐姐; little big sister) in order to create a sense of belonging, familiarity, and closeness with those they respect and admire (Extracts 7–9).

When young groups create network buzzwords, their discourse practice involves expressing and shaping their own perceived image and the perceived image of others. Individuals express their individuality and construct their image by using distinctive discourse that highlights the uniqueness of their personal identity and values. By using varied vocabulary and syntax, young Internet users emphasise their preferred identity and distinguish themselves from outside circles to achieve positive distinctiveness. For instance, Weibo users employed the buzzwords gao fu shuai (高富帅; tall, rich and handsome) and bai fu mei (白富美; white rich beautiful) in Extracts 1 and 2 to project an identity based on wealth and physical appearance, and to separate these elite groups of attractive and wealthy individuals from other circles.

Transmission: circle stratified group identities

During the process of forming an identity, individuals place themselves in a particular category and classify others into groups. This allows individuals to identify with their group. Through the use of high-context and circle-based language, network buzzwords can subtly distinguish groups from outside circles, resulting in emotional resonance and psychological appeal within the group. While strengthening group cohesion, the language also reinforces the exclusion of external groups. To some extent, this creates communication barriers between different generational and even same-generation groups, making it difficult for one group to understand the circle words of another group.

Within a circle of network buzzword users, a complete set of buzzwords has been created. These buzzwords may seem negative on the surface, but they can actually help distinguish group identity for those who enjoy competition. Internet users employ familiar network buzzwords to divide groups, express their identities, and use certain Internet catchphrases to seek identity (Dunne et al. 2010). Network buzzwords can also strengthen the sense of identity among group members (Dunne et al. 2010). For example, without being part of Jay Chou’s fan groups, people may not know that the buzzword xiao gongju (小公举; little princess) is used to refer to him, and its use can separate his fan groups from outside circles (Extract 5).

Diffusion: form individual identity to social identity projection

Having analysed a small set of group identities within the circle and their meme effects, it has been discovered that the dissemination of network buzzwords can spread from individual identity to social identity projection. Internet users have moved beyond simply encountering network buzzwords to accepting them, resulting in the associated discourse evolving to the level of group opinion.

From a certain network community to a wider network of Internet users in cyberspace, the meme effect is a phenomenon where people’s thoughts replicate through imitation in the cultural field (Dawkins 2016). The selection and use of network buzzwords are the results of competition among different memes. When certain memes are widely circulated and used with positive communicative functions, they become extremely powerful. The spread of network catchwords goes through four stages: meme assimilation, memorisation, expression, and dissemination. For instance, Weibo users employed the buzzwords xiao xianrou (小鲜肉; little fresh meat) and xiao gongju (小公举; little princess), which create a sense of belonging to a particular social group based on their craze for idols in the entertainment industry, and form a group identity (Extracts 4 and 5).

Analysis of sociocultural practice: the sociocultural practice of youth identity from a gender perspective

Through text analysis and discourse practice analysis, sociocultural practice analysis examines discourse from the perspectives of gender conformity and gender nonconformity, explores the hidden power relations behind discourse, and reveals the interaction mechanism among discourse, society, and ideology in this study. Different language variants constitute the media of power and social stratification, representing different social orders (Tajfel 1979). Through discourse practice, individuals become agents of power and recognise their classified social positions. Young people utilise a gentle negotiation approach to resolve conflicts associated with gender structure. Network buzzwords are influenced by multiple social forces and are the amalgamation of public, elite, and official discourses.

The conforming spirit in the discourse: gender conformity

Language variants represent the value order of different societies and serve as the medium of power and social stratification. Through discourse practice, individuals learn how to wield power and recognise their categorised gender positions. Discourse users confirm their gender belonging and form their personal identity or perceived identity of others during the process of identity transformation. Among the gender-specific buzzwords analysed, the majority (nine out of 11) can be classified as gender conformity as they express gender identity and behaviour that are consistent with cultural norms, adhering to traditional gender roles and expectations.

The buzzwords bai fu mei (白富美; white rich beautiful) and gao fu shuai (高富帅; tall, rich and handsome), for instance, reinforce existing gender stereotypes by referring to characteristics typically considered important in men and women, respectively (Extracts 1 and 2). According to a survey by the China Youth Daily (2012), 81.2% of respondents believe that many young people today prefer partners who are bai fu mei (白富美; white rich beautiful) or gao fu shuai (高富帅; tall, rich and handsome). Women who are beautiful and successful have become the ultimate bai fu mei (白富美; white rich beautiful) and have set a fashion standard for modern women.

Likewise, the buzzword jimei (集美; gathered beauty) reinforces traditional gender roles, supports the notion that women’s worth is primarily based on their outward appearance, and encourages gender-based prejudices about how women behave by referring to a group of attractive or fashionable ladies (Extract 10). Both lücha biao (绿茶婊; green tea bitch) and shabaitian (傻白甜; silly, white, and sweet) are commonly used in a negative context; the former criticises women who use their attractiveness to seduce men for personal gain, while the latter promotes gendered preconceptions about women’s intellectual capacity and the belief that they are naturally less intelligent than men (Extracts 3 and 11). Such attitudes are reflected in old patriarchal mindsets, as indicated by numerous Confucian proverbs (e.g. “women’s lack of talent is a virtue”), which promote male dominance and female submission (Yu 2021: 248). Three other buzzwords, laoge (老哥; old brother), xiao gege (小哥哥; little big brother), and xiao jiejie (小姐姐; little big sister), are terms of endearment that are gender-specific and reinforce traditional gender roles and hierarchical orders. Their use either emphasises men’s/women’s attractiveness (Extracts 8 and 9) or a senior’s capability (Extract 7) (Peng 2021). Similarly, the buzzword xiao xianrou (小鲜肉; little fresh meat) (Extract 4) describes young boys who are considered handsome and fresh and supports gender-based stereotypes.

The resisting spirit in the discourse: gender nonconformity

As a symbolic representation of subculture, network buzzwords are a means for young groups to resist mainstream gender culture/structure and establish a sense of identity. This involves developing a unique style through clothing, music, lifestyle, and values, which embodies a spirit of resistance and serves as a cultural symbol of identity (Wodak et al. 2009). The resulting identity, representing the gender subculture, seeks to challenge the consensus of the mainstream community. However, as youth subcultures associated with gender identity gain attention, mainstream ideologies such as gender essentialism and patriarchy often absorb the identities of these subcultural groups into the mainstream discourse, with the aim of subduing their resistance (Peng 2022). Only a minority (2 out of 11) of the gender-specific buzzwords can be classified as nonconformity, pertaining to individuals who do not adhere to cultural expectations and conventions and may express their gender in ways that challenge traditional gender roles and stereotypes.

With the growing influence of online platforms, network buzzwords have become a means of representing value orientation and power and expressing the views of discourse producers. Internet users who employ network buzzwords aim to compete for the right to express themselves and protest against the mainstream gender structure and underlying ideologies intertwined with social events. They may even challenge social taboos and evade social discipline. Minority groups within the mainstream gender structure resist gender-conforming and patriarchal discourses through different linguistic mechanisms and rhetorical means in network buzzwords. Behind catchphrases like nü hanzi (女汉子; female man) and xiao gongju (小公举; little princess) lies a structural gender conflict of binary opposition (Extracts 5 and 6). With the expansion and spread of network buzzwords, subcultures are integrated and incorporated into the dominant social order. The discourses reflected in network buzzwords have shifted from resistance and criticism of gender-conforming and patriarchal discourses to co-production with them in an interactive and meaningful way. The resistance to mainstream culture is not fierce, but rather a reflection of the problem and a moderate negotiation.

Conclusion

As noted at the beginning of this study, there has been limited research on the implementation of network buzzwords in the context of gender formations. This study addresses this research gap by using critical discourse analysis (Fairclough 2013; Wodak 2015) to explore the linguistic construction of youth identity from a gender perspective through an analysis of 11 gender-specific buzzwords listed in the annual top-ten network buzzwords published by the magazine Yaowen Jiaozi from 2012 to 2021 on the social media platform Weibo.

From a text analysis perspective, young groups use vocabulary selection and buzzword rhetoric to construct their personal identity or perceived identity of others, achieve identity separation from real life, classify themselves and others, and internalise the individual meaning of identity. From a discourse practice perspective, young groups are the primary producers and users of network buzzwords. In the context of both social reality and cyberspace integration, young groups use circle-based group language to subtly differentiate themselves from other groups and to obtain emotional resonance and psychological appeal within their circle groups. Under the meme effect, their discourse spreads from individual identity to social identity projection. From a sociocultural practice perspective, power relations are revealed to underlie the discourse. Network buzzwords are a fusion of multiple discourses, including gender-conforming and patriarchal as well as gender-nonconforming discourses. By using these buzzwords, individuals become producers of power, identify their own categorised social positions, and resolve some contradictions associated with the gender structure between mainstream and subcultures.

In closing, this study addresses a research void by offering a comprehensive examination of the linguistic formation of youth identities from a gender standpoint. It sheds light on how young individuals utilise buzzwords to forge their own identities or those of others, whilst also demonstrating how these youth cohorts employ group-specific language to subtly set themselves apart from other groups. By examining the construction of language, discourse practices, power dynamics, and the wider societal and cultural implications of online wordplay in relation to gender formations, this study builds upon prior research on gender and buzzwords. Future studies could explore alternative platforms and compare them to the current study in terms of how young people employ network buzzwords to shape their identities.