Abstract
The European Union (EU) is a community based on the rule of law. EU member states have committed themselves to uphold the rule of law and to respect the primacy of EU law. Yet today, the EU legal order is threatened by the emergence of increasingly autocratic member state governments, particularly those in Hungary and Poland, who routinely violate the fundamental rule of law principles on which the EU is based. This article assesses whether the model of differentiated integration can be applied to help the EU address this rule of law crisis. In recent years, many analysts have called on the EU to embrace a model of differentiated integration as a way to address its many challenges, and some have suggested that versions of differentiation might help the EU resolve tensions with its member states concerning the rule of law. By contrast, this article will argue that differentiation in the rule of law and the theory of constitutional pluralism that some use to justify it are neither normatively desirable nor practically feasible models. In short, we must reject differentiated integration when it comes to rule of law.
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Notes
A full discussion of the shortcomings of differentiated integration is beyond the scope of this paper. (For recent critiques of differentiated integration, see Vimont 2018; European Parliament 2019). However, it is worth noting that despite the recent upsurge in interest in differentiated integration, it is less likely to become a dominant model for the EU in the wake of Brexit. Since the UK was the leading political force behind most instances of differentiated integration, its departure should, ceteris paribus, make the future prevalence of the approach less likely.
See Court of Justice of the European Union Opinion 1/09 of 8 March 2011 at I-1172 describing national courts as “as ‘ordinary’ courts within the European Union legal order.”
See Speech by Commission Vice President Frans Timmermans, 19 July 2017, available at http://europa.eu/rapid/press-release_SPEECH-17-2084_en.htm.
This section draws on Kelemen (2018).
Case 6/64 Costa v. ENEL, p. 594. For further developments of the CJEU’s jurisprudence on supremacy, see, for instance, Case 11/70 Internationale Handelsgesellschaft mbH v. Infer- und Vorratsstelle fü r Getreide und Futtermittel,EU:C:1970:114 (emphasizing that EU law enjoys supremacy over national constitutional law); and, Case 314/85 Foto Frost v. Hauptzollamt Lü beck-Ost, EU:C:1987:452 (establishing the Court of Justice’s exclusive competence to invalidate acts of EU institutions).
Sarmiento Daniel, 2015, ‘The OMT Case and the Demise of the Pluralist Movement’, 21 September 2015, available at https://despiteourdifferencesblog.wordpress.com/2015/09/21/the-omt-case-and-the-demise-of-the-pluralist-movement/; R. Uitz, ‘National Constitutional Identity in the European Constitutional Project: A Recipe for Exposing Cover Ups and Masquerades’, Verfassungsblog on Constitutional Matters, 11 November 2016. Available at www.verfassungsblog.de.
Hungarian Constitutional Court, Decision 22/2016. (XII. 5.) AB on the Interpretation of Article E) (2) of the Fundamental Law, 30 November 2016 (discussed below). As explained below, the decision involved a request for an abstract constitutional interpretation. As such, the Court was not asked to (and did not) actually declare participation in the EU scheme unconstitutional in Hungary, but rather simply to indicate that it could declare the scheme unconstitutional in Hungary. See Halmai (2017) for a detailed discussion of the background to this case.
European Commission, Reasoned Proposal in Accordance with Article 7(1) of the Treaty on European Union Regarding the Rule of Law in Poland: Proposal for a Council Decision on the Determination of a Clear Risk of a Serious Breach by the Republic of Poland of the Rule of Law, 2017/0360 (APP), 20 December 2017, at http://ec.europa.eu/newsroom/just/document.cfm?action=display&doc_id=49108.
While the precise outcome of the pending Article 7 procedure against Poland remains uncertain, it is clear that ultimately no sanctions will be imposed on Poland through the procedure, as sanctions (under Article 7(2)) would require a unanimous agreement in the Council and the Hungarian government’s promise to a veto.
The Minister for Justice and Equality v. Celmer, [2018] IEHC 119, http://www.courts.ie/Judgments.nsf/0/578DD3A9A33247A38025824F0057E747; See also https://www.irishtimes.com/news/crime-and-law/courts/high-court/high-court-judge-seeks-eu-ruling-on-effect-of-polish-law-changes-1.3424530.
Case C-216/18 PPU, Reference for a preliminary ruling from the High Court (Ireland) made on 27 March 2018—Minister for Justice and Equality v LM, at http://www.courts.ie/Judgments.nsf/0/FD843302847F2E228025825D00457F19.
ibid, at para. 68.
Case 294/83 Les Verts v. Parliament [1986] ECR 1339, para. 23; See Pech (2009).
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Kelemen, R.D. Is differentiation possible in rule of law?. Comp Eur Polit 17, 246–260 (2019). https://doi.org/10.1057/s41295-019-00162-9
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/s41295-019-00162-9