Abstract
Intergovernmental organizations (IGOs) are increasingly recipients in the foreign aid budgets of donors. What explains the emergence of IGOs as recipients of foreign aid? While conventional wisdom suggests that foreign aid is primarily a foreign policy tool used by donor countries, I argue that aid allocated to IGOs is not explained through the lens of donor interests. Rather, it is the independent institutional design of the IGO aid recipient that makes them attractive recipients of aid which is intended to promote economic development, not donor state interests. Thus, aid to IGO recipients is explained on the basis of recipient development need and the independent institutional design of the IGO. Using original data on European Union aid allocations to a specific type of IGO, the regional trade agreement (RTA), this paper demonstrates that RTAs with more independent institutional designs and greater economic and/or trade need indeed receive more aid than their less independent, less needy peers. Further, these results hold even when controlling for donor interests and across multiple models/techniques. These results shed light on this emerging, new type of foreign aid recipient and argue for a need to re-evaluate the state-recipient focus of the aid allocation literature.
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Notes
Unit fixed effects are not used as key independent variables have little over time variation. Nickell (1981) bias would likely also be a problem with the inclusion of both year and unit fixed effects as the tendency for fixed effects to bias coefficients downwards in panel data is often acute in such situations, especially given the relatively short time span of the data.
See, for example: Apodaca and Stohl (1999), Blanton (2005), Cingranelli and Pasquarello (1985), Meernik et al (1998), Poe (1991, 1992), Poe and Meernik (1995). It should be noted, however, that some limited evidence that democracy and aid are linked exists. Neumayer (2003) finds a weak link between democracy and aid allocations from multilateral development banks and Rinsberg (2015) finds that donors may reward recipients undergoing democratic transitions with increased aid in the very short term following regime change.
A Fisher-type unit root test was performed to test for a unit root problem. The results rejected the null hypothesis that a unit root is present.
All aid analysed comes from the EU itself and the independent budget of the European Commission. This five-year lead effectively imposes a five-year lag on all independent variables and performs the additional function of acting as a test for potential endogeneity of the aid relationship. I also include EU Aid on the right-hand side of the equation to account for first order serial autocorrelation and the fact that, generally speaking, aid given in year t-1 is highly predictive of aid given in year t. It is important to note that at no point do I analyse aggregate EU member state aid as a measure for EUAid; all aid in this study is allocated solely by the Commission and is completely separate from the individual aid budgets of the member states.
This and all economic data are taken from the World Development Indicators 2012 data.
EU Aid ranges from 0 to 4.183
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Jolliff Scott, B. Explaining a new foreign aid recipient: the European Union’s provision of aid to regional trade agreements, 1995–2013. J Int Relat Dev 23, 701–727 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1057/s41268-018-0163-z
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/s41268-018-0163-z