Abstract
In this article, I argue for the distinctness of the 2013 Gezi uprisings from other anti-austerity protests. With a materialist feminist eye on the third-term AKP government’s conservative authoritarianism, I explore the causal links among patriarchal, racist biopolitics, heteronormative family values and increasing austerity measures. My broader analytical goal is to demonstrate the centrality of moral politics to uneven, security-based neoliberal regulations across markets, public spaces, and civic expression in and beyond Turkey. Second, I zoom in on the mothers’ rallies and gendered, ethnic acts of mourning to analyse the performative constitution of multiple publics during the protests. What exclusions have the participants produced in the name of inclusion? How can a performance paradigm help us understand the contradictory uses of space among and against the protestors, and more broadly, the relevance of embodied dissent to different visions of social justice? To deepen our intersectional feminist analysis, I suggest taking performances seriously, from human chains to soundscapes of resistance, stillness, and brutality; and from eclectic dance forms to architectural disruptions. Attending to the uprisings’ fault-lines and radical contributions, I also caution against ‘romancing resistance’. Hope with qualms is what remains.
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Notes
Against common characterisations of Gezi as a middle-class Turkish uprising, see the SAMER (2013) report on the constituents’ ethnic, class, gender and age diversity.
See Zengin (2013). Also see Savcı (2013).
Cultural Anthropology’s virtual Hot Spot issue on the Gezi protests, edited by Yıldırım and Navaro-Yashin (2013), features several articles on the causes and repercussions of uprisings. See also Alessandrini et al’s. (2014) Resistance Everywhere: The Gezi Protests and Dissident Visions of Turkey. This compilation of essays first appeared in the online popular academic journal, Jadaliyya (http://turkey.jadaliyya.com/, last accessed 23 October 2014). In addition to scholarly articles, Jadaliyya also published regular public statements by Gezi Solidarity and Müstereklerimiz, resistance collectives. Throughout the protests, I followed the Turkish press closely: Radikal, Hürriyet, Zaman, Taraf newspapers as well as other virtual news sites such as Bianet, Birgün, Hergün, Agos and T24. Facebook, Twitter and other social media sites were invaluable sources. Everywheretaksim.net, videooccupy and mashallah.net provided daily visual and sonic archives of the uprisings. Most park forums, in and outside İstanbul, posted their minutes and visual mementos on Facebook. Reporting daily discussion topics and workshops, these minutes showed the range of participants and the points of unity and contention among them.
For a comparative analysis on Brazil and Turkey, see Yörük (2013).
I diverge from Amar’s conclusion that neo-liberalism has run its course. Although Amar’s emphasis on the cultural moralisation of Southern security regimes is invaluable for gendering and queering the Turkish case, it risks undermining the pervasive appeal and practice of neo-liberalism. I try to avoid this binary with an equal emphasis on both.
See Hammond and Angell’s (2013) crucial argument on the exclusions that Gezi’s performative practices produced. They have urged us to ‘ask about the boundaries (material, economic, cultural, and religious) of publics’, and to rethink the limits of emphatic, public slogans such as ‘Taksim is everywhere, everywhere is Taksim, resistance is everywhere’. I expand on their argument with a wider range of social groups, beyond their primary focus on the conservative base, to investigate the constitution of fractured publics. I also analyse more closely the embodied strategies that animated and helped build contested visions of pluralism to which gender and sexuality politics were pivotal.
Estimates on early days participation range between 3.5 million and 7.5 million out of Turkey’s population of 80 million. For a brief timeline of the protests and its aftermath, see Hürriyet Daily News, http://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/timeline-of-gezi-park-protests-.aspx?pageID=238&nID=48321&NewsCatID=341, last accessed 13 November 2014. For a detailed, feminist timeline, see Jadaliyya ‘Rethinking Gezi through feminist and LGBT perspectives’ 11 November 2013, http://www.jadaliyya.com/pages/index/15037/rethinking-gezi-through-feminist-and-lgbt-perspect, last accessed 13 November 2014.
On forums, see Nisancioglu (2013).
Jadaliyya ‘Taksim Solidarity statement: to the press and citizens of Turkey’, 12 June 2013, http://www.jadaliyya.com/pages/index/12192/taksim-solidarity-statement_to-the-press-and-citiz, last accessed 8 March 2014. For the full constituents’ list, see http://taksimdayanisma.org/bilesenler?lang=en, last accessed 8 March 2014.
In these demonstrations, ethnically diverse groups mobilised against the AKP’s tightening of borders and reluctance to supply aid to the Kurdish citizens of Kobanê, an autonomous region in Northern Syria that came under heavy ISIS assault in late September 2014.
On networks of expropriation in İstanbul, see Mülksüzleştirme Ağları http://mulksuzlestirme.org/, last accessed 23 October 2014. This collective archive is one of Gezi’s many significant achievements.
Although currently dropped, the corruption graft of December 2013 was a case in point (see Finkel, 2013).
For women’s unemployment statistics, see DISK (2013). Turkey ranked 125th out of 142 countries in the Global Gender Gap Report 2014 (See: World Economic Forum, Global Gender Gap Index 2014: Rankings, http://reports.weforum.org/global-gender-gap-report-2014/rankings/, last accessed 16 January 2015).
On criminalising the military through Ergenekon and Balyoz trials, see Tisdall (2012). See Elif Babul’s (2013) incisive analysis of EU adjustments vis-à-vis the protests.
For a comprehensive archive on anti-terrorism laws, criminalisation, and censorship see GIT-North America, Transnational Work Group on Academic Liberty and Freedom of Research in Turkey: http://gitamerica.blogspot.com/p/links.html, last accessed 7 March 2014. On the disproportionate incarceration of Kurds and prison life, see Yoltar (2013). For a critique of the democratisation package, see Küçük (2013).
The protestors appropriated this çapulcu label in myriad, ingenious ways. Visit videooccupy, everywheretaksim.net, and occupygezi for the protestors’ creative performances.
Amar (2013: 21) defines ‘necropolitics’ as ‘the exterminatory governance of populations through war, colonialism and racism’.
‘Mothers in Gezi Park’ (2013) video, http://everywheretaksim.net/mothers-in-gezi-park/, last accessed 5 March 2014.
Ibid.
Almost a hundred of mothers occupied Taksim for a few hours, but the mothers’ chain promenade lasted less than half an hour.
Video of the press conference at http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MsWdxmogD7Y, last accessed 7 March 2014.
On the complexities of Alevi participation in Gezi, see Karakaya-Stump (2014). On the broader criminalisation of the urban poor, not restricted to the Alevis, see Yonucu (2009).
On the relevance of Rojava Kurdish women’s revolution to Gezi, see ‘Rojava’dan Gezi’ye kadın devrimi ve direnişi’ panel, http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XMZYbziSbug, last accessed 3 March 2014.
On the causes and demands, see Şimsek (2012).
Rojava is a Kurdish majority region in Northern Syria. It consists of three cantons, one of which is Kobanê. Rojava feminists work with the larger people’s revolution to build and sustain anti-authoritarian and anti- imperialist self-rule. Üstündağ refers to Kurdish feminism in Turkey as ‘Rojava women’s revolution’ to underline the importance of diasporic networks across the Middle East.
For visuals, see http://listelist.com/gezi-parki-direnisinin-en-yaratici-pankartlari/, last accessed 4 March 2014.
Most urban protest groups used posters and banners as a collective force. Once photographed, they frequently went viral on social media, despite intermittent Internet shutdowns and official declarations on ‘collecting evidence’ from these sites. Gezi protestors and their allies used these visuals frequently to call out governmental greed, lawlessness and brutality, to satirise its authoritarianism, and to mobilise participation. On the circulation of imaginative graffiti and posters, see Gruber (2013).
On the activist Sulukule Platform, see http://sulukulegunlugu.blogspot.com/, last accessed 1 March 2014. On most recent neighbourhood resistances and anti-gentrification movements in İstanbul, visit Müştereklerimiz’s (Our Commons) website: http://mustereklerimiz.org/, last accessed 25 October 2014.
‘Ghetto machines’ at http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wx36mnZvEO0, last accessed 5 March 2014.
‘Secret minority coding’ refers to the ongoing, official profiling of citizens based on ethnicity and religion. Agos documented how the ‘Turkish population administration system had been recording citizens who have Armenian, Jewish or Anatolian Greek (Rum) origins with secret “race codes” ’ (Hürriyet Daily News, 2013b).
This particular controversy took place in January 2014 when a prominent Kurdish politician publicly labelled ‘the Israil, Armenian and Rum (Greek Orthodox) lobbies’ as a ‘parallel state’ (Ertani, 2014).
See Anti-Kapitalist Müslümanlar’s Turkish webpage http://www.antikapitalistmuslumanlar.org/, last accessed 8 March 2014. For Mazlum-Der’s report on Gezi, see http://t24.com.tr/haber/mazlumderden-gezi-raporu-gosteri-haktir-ancak-hak-ihlali-yapilmamali/238019, last accessed 8 March 2014.
There were also cracks within the party as, Fatma Bostan Ünsal, a hijabi female founder of AKP, signed the Labour and Justice Platform’s harsh critique of the government on the basis of media censorship, recent police brutality and the unresolved ‘Kurdish issue’.
Ziya Azazi, a Turkish modern dancer/choreographer from Austria, collaborated with a photographer to launch a series of whirling dances in Taksim on 2 June. He used both traditional ecstatic spinning and ‘You come, too’ utterances to transcend polarisations forged both by the state and dissident communities. Drawing on the Sufi philosophy of openness, he invited all citizens, regardless of their social or political standing, to join the solidarity. The gas mask evoked the collective determination to survive immediate tear gas bombs, and by extension, the divisive, suffocating rule of the AKP. After the evictions, the performance series continued in other İstanbul parks and squares for the next six weeks. Social media visibility enhanced participation: at one point, 2,000 people watched and uttered Azazi’s invitation.
Video of İstanbul 2013 Pride March, http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QEcnwvjDaJU, last accessed 4 March 2014.
I am indebted to Evren Savcı for this insight and her broader comments on an earlier draft of this article.
On how visibility creates rifts within Turkish LGBT communities, Esmeray mentions that trans individuals are more visible than gays and continues: ‘But it is wrong to say we face more violence because of that visibility because the other one faces violence because of invisibility … What an awful thing to hide one’s gay identity to get a job. But trans people often have to do sex work. The sex workers’ demands are just as different as the women’s’ (Elbaşı, 2013).
See, for instance, Nar Photos: http://narphotos.net/Story/following-their-dawn-intervent/110/?SID=110&Page=4, last accessed 4 March 2014.
This is not to say women did not become icons in Gezi. Consider, for instance, how Ceyda Sungur became an important resistance symbol as ‘The Woman in Red’ after she faced off a pressurised water assault in the earliest days of the protests. See Şen’s (2013: 39) feminist analysis for the varied responses and, particularly, Sungur’s discomfort with becoming ‘the face’ of Gezi, as a contrast to the Standing Man.
For an attack on a commemoration at an İstanbul park forum, see Jenny White’s blog: http://kamilpasha.com/?p=7286, last accessed 4 March 2014.
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Potuoğlu-Cook, Ö. hope with qualms: a feminist analysis of the 2013 Gezi protests. Fem Rev 109, 96–123 (2015). https://doi.org/10.1057/fr.2014.56
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/fr.2014.56