Abstract
The Gordon riots were the most dramatic of London’s history, paralysing the forces of law and order for almost a week in early June 1780. Erupting at a time of imperial crisis and new reformist movements, the disturbances resonated with the resentments of war; they were the platform on which bitter political differences — about Catholics, about America, about the sovereignty of parliament — were played out. The riots also sorely tested the relationship between street politics and radical associations, prompting the question as to whether crowds and ‘people’ were interdependent or mutually exclusive; part of the same vector of popular remonstrance or wildly divergent. For these reasons, the riots were the most complex the eighteenth century had witnessed. They posed serious questions about the shape and future of popular politics in the decades to come.
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Notes
See accounts in the London Chronicle, 6–9, 25–27 February 1779 and 16–18 March 1779. The fullest account in is Eugene C. Black, The Association: British Extraparliamentary Political Organization 1769–1793 (Cambridge, MA, 1963), pp. 134–47.
14 George III, c. 83. See also Hilda Neatby The Quebec Act: Protest and Policy (Scarborough, Ontario, 1973), pp. 58–61, for Dartmouth’s instructions as to how the act should be executed.
Colin Haydon, Anti-Catholicism in Eighteenth-Century England c. 1714–1780 (Oxford, 1993), p. 171.
Philip Lawson, The Imperial Challenge: Quebec and Britain in the Age of the American Revolution (Montreal and Kingston, 1989), ch. 7.
Nicholas Rogers, Crowds, Culture and Politics in Georgian Britain (Oxford, 1998), ch. 4.
RD.G. Thomas, Lord North (London, 1976), pp. 121–22. Poynings Law gave the Privy Council the right of veto over Irish legislation.
J. Paul de Castro, The Gordon Riots (London, 1926), p. 36.
TNA, SP 37/20/41 and SP 37/20/47; The Mawhood Diary, ed. E.E. Reynolds (London, 1956), pp. 150–51; James Langdale, ‘Thomas Langdale, The Distiller’, London Recusant, 10 (1975), pp. 42–45.
George Rudé cites 15 people brought to trial for thefts during the riots, of which seven were found not guilty. See Rudé, Paris and London in the Eighteenth Century (London, 1970), p. 282.
Surrey Proceedings, pp. 44–45. For a detailed account of the disposition of the armed forces, see Tony Hayter, The Army and the Crowd in Mid-Georgian England (London, 1978), ch. 12.
James Boswell, Life of Johnson, ed. R.W. Chapman (London, 1953), p. 1059. On ‘reversal crowds’,
see Elias Canetti, Crowds and Power, trans. Carol Stewart (Harmondsworth, 1973), pp. 66–70.
De Castro, The Gordon Riots, p. 218; Marsha Keith Schuchard, ‘Lord George Gordon and Cabalistic Freemasonry: Beating Jacobite Swords into Jacobin Ploughshares’, in Secret Conversions to Judaism in Early Modern Europe, ed. Martin Mulsow and Richard H. Popkin (Leiden, 2004) p. 203. I have found no evidence of a Bailston in histories of the Boston Tea Party, so it is conceivable that the British miss-spelt the name.
John Sainsbury Disaffected Patriots. London Supporters of Revolutionary America, 1769–1782 (Kingston and Montreal, 1987), pp. 110–11.
See Nicholas Rogers, ‘Crowd and People in the Gordon Riots’, in The Transformation of Political Culture. England and Germany in the Late Eighteenth Century, ed. Eckhart Hellmuth (Oxford, 1990), pp. 39–58.
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© 2015 Nicholas Rogers
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Rogers, N. (2015). Nights of Fire: The Gordon Riots of 1780 and the Politics of War. In: Davis, M.T. (eds) Crowd Actions in Britain and France from the Middle Ages to the Modern World. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137316516_8
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137316516_8
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