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Sweden 1950–2015: Contentious Politics and Social Movements between Confrontation and Conditioned Cooperation

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Popular Struggle and Democracy in Scandinavia

Part of the book series: Palgrave Studies in European Political Sociology ((PSEPS))

Abstract

In this chapter we provide a historical overview of the major trends in contentious politics in Sweden from 1950 to 2015. Considering that protest during this period (especially from the 1960s onwards) rapidly proliferated, involving a number of forms and acting on a multiplicity of social conflicts, we provide a thematic account, focusing on the major conflicts and the social movements that defined the space of contentious politics during the period. Four protest waves are outlined, which largely correspond to transnational developments but in many cases display strong elements of national and local articulation. We argue that contentious politics in Sweden in the post-war era is profoundly influenced by the particular relationship between state and civil society defining the Swedish welfare model.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Systematic protest event data only exists between 1980 and 2010. Using newspaper sources, a research team led by Katrin Uba (2016a) recorded 18,382 events during this period. Uba argues that the trend in Sweden compared to other European countries is more similar to countries like the Netherlands and Germany where protest rates were higher in the 1980s than in the 2000s, whereas France and the UK had growing protest rates during the period (Uba 2016a, 8–9).

  2. 2.

    Peterson (2016b).

  3. 3.

    Della Porta and Diani (2006), 20.

  4. 4.

    Melucci (1989).

  5. 5.

    Thörn (2006); K. Östberg (2002b); Micheletti (1995); Rothstein (1992).

  6. 6.

    Compromise, cooperation and dialogue could be seen as a way of resolving conflicts between movements and authorities, and does not (necessarily) involve consensus. Thörn has used the concept of ‘consensus culture’ in his comparative works on post-war Swedish social movements referring to the Swedish concept ‘samförståndsanda’ (Svedberg and Trägårdh 2006; Rothstein 1992), widely used to designate a political norm established with the Swedish model, that conflicting state, business and civil society actors should always make strong efforts to avoid conflict, and instead ‘lay differences aside’ to be able to negotiate, compromise and reach cooperation. This consensus culture also involves certain shared, pre-existing taken-for-granted, values, norms and standards in state–movement action. An important example is the uncontested norm that the government provides funding for movement organizations – in stark contrast to other countries where a fundamental norm is not to accept government funding, (Thörn (2006: ch. 2) on the approach of the British anti-apartheid movement). Another significant example is the rarely contested ‘temperance norm’ in Swedish political culture, meaning that a condition for all government funding provided to movement organizations is that alcohol is never served or consumed at public meetings – in contrast to e.g. neighbouring country Denmark (Thörn 2013). According to Thörn, this consensus culture has embedded, rather than completely excluded, conflicts in post-war state–movement interaction.

  7. 7.

    Larsson et al. (2012)

  8. 8.

    Wahlström (2011).

  9. 9.

    Cf. Gidlund (1978), who argues that the demands made by action groups and local political parties in Sweden 1965–75, were either articulated through confrontation or through a ‘cooperation model’, involving alliances between action groups and politically significant interest groups.

  10. 10.

    Foucault (1977).

  11. 11.

    Peterson and Wahlström (2015).

  12. 12.

    Gramsci (1971), 263.

  13. 13.

    Wahlström (2016).

  14. 14.

    Larsson et al. (2012).

  15. 15.

    Thörn and Larsson (2012).

  16. 16.

    Mouffe (2005).

  17. 17.

    Uba (2016a), 12.

  18. 18.

    Uba (2016b).

  19. 19.

    Cf. Hyman (2001), 46–47.

  20. 20.

    Lewin (1992); Korpi (1978).

  21. 21.

    Lewin (1992), 101.

  22. 22.

    Korpi (1981).

  23. 23.

    Uba (2016a), 11.

  24. 24.

    Uba (2016a), 12–13.

  25. 25.

    Peterson et al. (2012).

  26. 26.

    Lefebvre (1996).

  27. 27.

    Nilmander et al. (1998); Östberg (2002b).

  28. 28.

    Östberg 2002b).

  29. 29.

    Stahre (1999).

  30. 30.

    Hall (1991), 257.

  31. 31.

    Johansson (1997).

  32. 32.

    Thörn (2012b); 2013.

  33. 33.

    Mikkelsen and Karpantschof (2001).

  34. 34.

    Thörn (2013).

  35. 35.

    Nelhans 1971.

  36. 36.

    Gustavsson (2001).

  37. 37.

    Thyrén (2009).

  38. 38.

    Thörn (2012a).

  39. 39.

    Holgersson et al. (2010); 2006; Thörn (2012a).

  40. 40.

    Flyghed 1993.

  41. 41.

    Cited in Thörn (2012a), 210.

  42. 42.

    Harvey (1989).

  43. 43.

    Thörn (2011), 29.

  44. 44.

    Stahre (2004); Granberg and Åström (2010).

  45. 45.

    Stahre (2004).

  46. 46.

    Andersson (2013).

  47. 47.

    Schierup, et al. (2014).

  48. 48.

    Sernhede et al. (2016); Schierup et al. (2014).

  49. 49.

    Oredsson (2003), 44.

  50. 50.

    Fogelström (1983), 242.

  51. 51.

    Cf. Bjereld and Demker (2005).

  52. 52.

    Östberg (2002a), 43.

  53. 53.

    Ekengren and Oskarsson (2002).

  54. 54.

    Salomon (1996) and (1986).

  55. 55.

    Salomon (1996), 73ff.

  56. 56.

    Dagens Nyheter 17 February 2003. These and the following facts about the number of people participating in some of the largest demonstrations in post-war Sweden were gathered from an unpublished study by Magnus Wennerhag, using newspaper reports.

  57. 57.

    See for example Aftonbladet 16 May 1982; the second largest demonstration during the post-war era occurred a year later, 4 October 1983, and gathered 75,000 people (Aftonbladet 5 October 1983) but was not related to the new social movements, as it was a demonstration largely organized by the Centre-Right party opposition protesting against the wage earner investment funds created by the Social Democratic government.

  58. 58.

    Uba 2016a, 9.

  59. 59.

    Göteborgs-Posten 16 February 2003.

  60. 60.

    Peterson and Thörn (1994); Jacobsson and Lindblom (2012); Sørensen 2014.

  61. 61.

    Jämte (2013).

  62. 62.

    Lööw 1999, 24.

  63. 63.

    Lööw (2004), 58–59.

  64. 64.

    Schön (2014); Peterson (2016b).

  65. 65.

    Lööf (1999), 29–34.

  66. 66.

    Jämte (2013), 207ff.

  67. 67.

    Bjørgo (1997).

  68. 68.

    Kvarnkullen et al. (2013).

  69. 69.

    Tamas (2002).

  70. 70.

    Lööw 1999, 399–403.

  71. 71.

    Jämte (2013), 286ff; Meurling (1998).

  72. 72.

    Brink Pinto and Pries (2013).

  73. 73.

    Jämte (2013), 278; Brink Pinto and Pries (2013), ch. 5.

  74. 74.

    Cf. Nyhetsbyrån TT (1992).

  75. 75.

    Tamas (2002), 287.

  76. 76.

    Peterson 1997), 167ff.

  77. 77.

    Wahlström (2010).

  78. 78.

    Gardell (2015).

  79. 79.

    Jämte (2013).

  80. 80.

    Jämte (2013), 417.

  81. 81.

    Rönnegård (2014).

  82. 82.

    Schmitz (2007), ch. 6 and 7.

  83. 83.

    Cited in Schmitz (2007), 116.

  84. 84.

    Isaksson 2007, ch. 2.

  85. 85.

    Isaksson 2007, ch. 3.

  86. 86.

    Peterson (1994).

  87. 87.

    Isaksson 2007, ch. 4; Schmitz (2007), 288ff.

  88. 88.

    Ferree (2004).

  89. 89.

    Schmitz (2007), 349.

  90. 90.

    Eduards (2002), 116–119.

  91. 91.

    Peterson (2016a).

  92. 92.

    Eduards (2002), ch. 5; Eduards (1997).

  93. 93.

    Eduards (2002), 83.

  94. 94.

    See Micheletti (1995), 149ff on the fragmentation of the Swedish state.

  95. 95.

    Eduards (2002), 65ff.

  96. 96.

    Östberg (2002b), 21.

  97. 97.

    Thörn (2006).

  98. 98.

    Bjereld (1992).

  99. 99.

    Sellström (1999), 68.

  100. 100.

    Sundgren (1989).

  101. 101.

    Salomon (1996), 97.

  102. 102.

    Ekengren and Oscarsson (2002), 88ff.

  103. 103.

    Peterson (2001).

  104. 104.

    Thörn (2006).

  105. 105.

    Of those who participated in a survey made after the demonstrations in Båstad, nearly 50 percent were active in the South Africa Committees – while two thirds were active in FNL, something which underscores the strong overlap between movement networks at the time (Lindblom (1968), 44).

  106. 106.

    Thörn (2006), 143–144.

  107. 107.

    Thörn (2006).

  108. 108.

    Thörn (2006).

  109. 109.

    Salomon (1996).

  110. 110.

    Berg (2007).

  111. 111.

    Wennerhag (2008), 169–174.

  112. 112.

    Hansson (2008): Nordvall (2008).

  113. 113.

    Peterson (2006); Wahlström and Oskarsson (2006); Wahlström (2010).

  114. 114.

    Wennerhag (2008).

  115. 115.

    Björk and Peterson (2002); Liliequist and Lundälv (2002); Löfgren and Vathankhah (2002).

  116. 116.

    Göteborgskommittén (2002 ).

  117. 117.

    Wahlström (2007); (2011).

  118. 118.

    McCarthy et al. (1999).

  119. 119.

    Holgersson et al. (2010).

  120. 120.

    Noakes and Gillham (2006).

  121. 121.

    Wahlström (2010).

  122. 122.

    Wennerhag (2008), 179ff.

  123. 123.

    Uhnoo (2002).

  124. 124.

    Askanius and Gustafsson (2010).

  125. 125.

    Wahlström (2011), 25–26.

  126. 126.

    Jamison et al. (1990), Jamison (2001); Boström (2001).

  127. 127.

    Jamison et al. (1990), 19–20.

  128. 128.

    Jamison et al. (1990), 28.

  129. 129.

    Jasper (1990), Jamison et al. (1990); Flam (1994).

  130. 130.

    Its chairman (and also the founder of the Swedish FoE) Lennart Daléus became a leading figure in the Centre Party. Peter Larsson, also former chairman of the Environmental Union, ended up as a political secretary within the Department of Energy and Environment, set up in 1987.

  131. 131.

    Peterson (2016a).

  132. 132.

    Uba 2016a; Peterson (2001); Lidskog (1994).

  133. 133.

    Eyerman and Jamison 1987, 32.

  134. 134.

    Boström (2001), 74, 68.

  135. 135.

    Jamison et al. (1990), 58.

  136. 136.

    Interviews with Greenpeace Nordic (5 September 2013), SSNC (29 May 2013) and WWF Sweden (29 May 2013), conducted by Håkan Thörn.

  137. 137.

    Thörn (1991).

  138. 138.

    Larsson et al. (2012).

  139. 139.

    Thörn and Svenberg 2016.

  140. 140.

    Andringa et al. (1998); Jamison 2000.

  141. 141.

    The following is based on research conducted in the project ‘Environmental movements in a globalizing world’, funded by the Swedish Research Council (2012–2016), see Cassegård et al. (2017).

  142. 142.

    Anshelm (2012): 177.

  143. 143.

    Peterson and Wahlström (2015).

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Authors and Affiliations

  1. Department of Sociology and Work Science, University of Gothenburg, Gothenburg, Sweden

    Abby Peterson, Håkan Thörn & Mattias Wahlström

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  1. Abby Peterson
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  2. Håkan Thörn
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  3. Mattias Wahlström
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Correspondence to Abby Peterson .

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Editors and Affiliations

  1. Department of Sociology, University of Copenhagen, Copenhagen, Denmark

    Flemming Mikkelsen

  2. Department of History, University of Oslo, Oslo, Norway

    Knut Kjeldstadli

  3. Department of History, Malmö University, Malmö, Sweden

    Stefan Nyzell

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Peterson, A., Thörn, H., Wahlström, M. (2018). Sweden 1950–2015: Contentious Politics and Social Movements between Confrontation and Conditioned Cooperation. In: Mikkelsen, F., Kjeldstadli, K., Nyzell, S. (eds) Popular Struggle and Democracy in Scandinavia. Palgrave Studies in European Political Sociology. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-57855-6_13

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-57855-6_13

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