Abstract
This chapter demonstrates the increasingly relevant symbolic link between EU accession, the paramount political process in contemporary Serbia, on the one hand, and various forms and strategies for the liberation of non-heteronormative sexualities in this still highly patriarchal country, on the other. I approach this hegemonic relationship between Europeanisation and LGBT activism primarily through the history of Belgrade pride marches/parades. By amalgamating a variety of social practices, forces, and interests that revolve around poorly known and deeply stereotyped sexual behaviours together with the discourses of European integration and the multifaceted narratives of national belonging (and exclusion), Pride parades constitute a matrix which weaves together sexual, political, legal, and religious dimensions and in annual cycles sharpens and exposes the complexities of LGBT-related politics and activisms.
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Notes
- 1.
Binnie and Klesse (2012, p. 445) claim that “the term LGBTQ (…) is controversial because it insinuates a quasi-natural confluence of interests around certain gender and/or sexual subjectivities”. Although I am aware of the fact that in our context the use of this term might mask power hierarchies that lead to sustained practices of exclusion and discrimination within non-heterosexual activist initiatives themselves, I use the acronym LGBT for pragmatic reasons. For more information on bisexual and trans activism in Serbia and Croatia, see Bilić and Kajinić (2016).
- 2.
This chapter examines the relevance of European integrations/Europeanisations on LGBT activist strategies and does not address in particular detail the complex “internal” dynamics and fragmentations of the Serbian LGBT activist “scene”. For an analysis in that direction, see Bilić (2016).
- 3.
For Judith Butler (1993, p. 233), marches and street walking, along with cross-dressing, drag balls, butch femme spectacles, and other forms of “theatricalization of political rage”, “disrupt[ed] the closeting distinction between public and private space” and thus enabled a proliferation of “sites of politicisation […] throughout the public realm”.
- 4.
The Democratic Opposition of Serbia, commonly known as DOS, was a wide coalition of 18 political parties that defeated Milošević in the 2000 general elections and won a majority of seats in the National Parliament. It dissolved in November 2003.
- 5.
(Male) homosexuality was decriminalised in the Autonomous Province of Vojvodina in 1977 and in the rest of Serbia (including Kosovo) in 1994. Lesbian sexuality never appeared in the criminal code. The very first forms of lesbian and gay activism in Serbia took place in the early 1990s mostly in Belgrade private apartments. The first activists organisation Group for the Affirmation of Lesbian and Gay Human Rights—Arkadija—was established in January 1991, but it could not be officially registered until homosexuality was decriminalised in 1994 as a matter of a routine revision of the Criminal Code. The founders of Arkadija were Dejan Nebrigić and Lepa Mlađenović, both of whom would subsequently be active in anti-war and anti-nationalist initiatives (Bilić, 2012; Gočanin, 2014; Mlađenović, 2012).
- 6.
Milošević died in March 2006, a few months before the verdict was due.
- 7.
One of the most severely injured activists Igor Dobričić later stated: “My personal opinion is that I will rather commit suicide than live and hide if I need to sacrifice to fear my human dignity and my right to be who I am” (N. N., 2001, online).
- 8.
“LGBT community” is a problematic and heuristic notion which tends to be widely used even though it is not conclusively clear what it means. According to Maljković (2014, p. 366) LGBT community is “often a synonym for the so-called gay scene i.e. gay public which is manifested in activism, clubbing… but where is that community at all visible as a political subject which demonstrates a relevant degree of unity?”
- 9.
For example, the activists of the New York-based Lesbian Herstory Archives said in a recent statement (Petrelis, 2015, online): “Let’s get real about what LGBT Pride marches and celebrations in San Francisco, New York and a few other cities, have become. Parties certainly, vehicles for corporations to tap into the gay market and wallet, opportunities for straight and LGBT politicians to softly seek votes and donations, and political agendas that extend only from joining the military, marriage rights and ignore social justice concerns. Due to the shift away from contingent-based groupings, the increased commercialisation of the LGBT Pride March, and the diminishing interest of members of our communities in this event as reflected in fewer marchers each year behind the banner, the Lesbian Herstory Archives has decided not to officially participate in the Sunday June 28th Lesbian and Gay Pride March”.
- 10.
A particularly striking example of the “Eastern time of coincidence” (“‘everything at once’…a constant ‘knotting’ and ‘looping’ of time(s) after 1989”, Mizielińska & Kulpa, 2011, p. 15) is visible in the proposal of Queeria/Kvirija—centre for the promotion of culture of nonviolence and equality which was operating within the Socialdemocratic Youth (a youth section of the Socialdemocratic Union, a minor parliamentary political party formed in 1996). Namely, in the spring of 2001 this organisation suggested that the Serbian Parliament should pass a law on same-sex unions. After this proposal became public, even the president of the party Žarko Korać had to say that it was not part of the Union’s official policy and that its youth section was free to act on its own (Grujić, 2003). This initiative ended after a group of hooligans invaded the headquarters of the Socialdemocratic Union and beat some of the Socialdemocratic Youth members (Gočanin, 2014; Petrović, 2003).
- 11.
On 27 June 1969, the police raided the Stonewall Inn in New York, but—unlike on previous occasions—encountered resistance of drag queens, transsexuals, lesbians, and gay men. A month later, around 500 people walked in a first Pride march to the Stonewall Inn, marking the beginning of the contemporary movement for LGBT rights (Kates & Belk, 2001).
- 12.
If not otherwise indicated, all translations from the Serbian are mine.
- 13.
See the most recent interview that the leader of this organisation Sonja Biserko gave to the Croatian magazine Vijenac (Tunjić, 2015).
- 14.
Vojislav Koštunica, the then president of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and a conservative politician critical of the European Union, did not condemn the attacks on Pride participants (Simo, 2001).
- 15.
ILGA-Europe is an international non-governmental umbrella organisation operating within the International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans and Intersex Association (ILGA, created in 1978) and bringing together 422 organisations from 45 European countries. ILGA-Europe was established as a separate region of ILGA and an independent legal entity in 1996.
- 16.
The first Belgrade Pride march was an important precedent for the first Zagreb Pride that took place in 2002. Kajinić (2003, p. 16), one of the organisers of the 2002 Zagreb Pride and a participant in the 2001 Belgrade Pride, writes: “Importantly, the interviewed women in talking about their concern for the safety of the Pride participants constantly refer to the events of the Belgrade Pride which also sheds light on the extent to which the relative success of the Zagreb Pride was constructed around the lessons learnt from the Belgrade Pride experiences”.
- 17.
From 2004 Milićević is the owner of the brand Loud & Queer which has been organising gay parties in Belgrade and Novi Sad.
- 18.
Vidovdan (St Vitus Day) is an important national and religious holiday in Serbia. It is a memorial day to Saint Prince Lazar and the Serbian holy martyrs who died during the Kosovo Battle on 28 June 1389. Moreover, on 28 June 1914, Archduke Franz Ferdinand, nephew of Emperor Franz Josef and heir to the Austro-Hungarian Empire, was shot in Sarajevo, Bosnia, and Herzegovina. This event is seen by many as an act of anti-imperial liberation. Also, Slobodan Milošević was extradited to the Hague Tribunal on 28 June 2001, attributing additional nationalist charge to this day.
- 19.
This far-right (Orthodox clero-fascist) organisation was banned by the decision of the Serbian Constitutional Court on 12 June 2012.
- 20.
The International Gay and Lesbian Human Rights Commission (IGLHRC) is an international non-governmental organisation devoted to the protection of human rights of non-heterosexual people. It is principally based in New York City where it holds consultative status with the United Nations.
- 21.
Serbian gender studies scholar Jelisaveta Blagojević (2011, p. 28) argued in a widely cited volume De-Centring Western Sexualities that “Serbia is one of the last countries in Europe to adopt general anti-discrimination laws”. This sentence is followed by a rather unusual footnote intervention of the Polish volume editors Kulpa and Mizielińska (2011, p. 28) which says: “Although the author seems to be rather critical about this advancement of Serbia as ‘late’, it has to be noted that such laws are not yet standard, and in fact some of the supposedly ‘more advanced’ countries of the EU (such as Poland) still do not have them, which actually puts Serbia at the forefront of change”.
- 22.
Gay Straight Alliance is a Belgrade-based non-governmental organisation devoted to lobbying for the rights and conducting research on the status of LGBT persons in Serbia. It was founded in 2005 by Boris Milićević.
- 23.
After the Law was passed, the Presidency of the Council of the European Union, at that moment chaired by Sweden, issued a statement saying that it saluted the intention of the Government of Serbia to protect the 2009 Belgrade Pride (Belgrade Pride Blog, 2009a).
- 24.
In a letter of support of the 2009 Pride march, the Embassy of the Netherlands in Serbia stated (Belgrade Pride Blog, 2009b): “Respect for sexual orientation and gender equality is not promotion of a particular lifestyle, but respect for the elementary human rights. It is the very essence of European values”.
- 25.
The Belgrade Centre for Human Rights, a non-governmental organisation, filed a complaint with the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Serbia which 2 years later, in December 2011, ruled that the authorities violated the Constitution by not allowing the Pride march to happen as planned. The same organisation filed another complaint with the same Court after the explicit ban of the 2011 Pride march. That complaint was also adopted by the Court (Živanović, 2011).
- 26.
In the wake of the 2009 march cancellation, a new activist group—LGBT Forum Serbia—appeared on the Serbian activist scene. It announced that it would organise the 2010 and in its statements heavily drew upon the Orientalising discourse of European values: “Six months after the failed attempt to stage a Pride march in Belgrade, the LGBT community of this country concludes that the time is ripe for a change. The time is ripe for the marginalised and discriminated people across Serbia to take the struggle for democratic rights and European values in their own hands and to clearly react against primitivism and homophobia of this society. There is no alternative to equality” (Belgrade Pride Blog, 2009e, online). This short-lived group was characterised as a “phantom organisation” by some of the “mainstream” Belgrade-based LGBT activist groups (Fonet, 2010).
- 27.
The Intergroup on LGBTI Rights is an informal forum for Members of the European Parliament dedicated to the advancement of LGBT rights lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) people. With more than 150 members it is the largest of the European Parliament’s intergroups.
- 28.
I am grateful to Miloš Urošević, an activist of Women in Black, who provided me with a transcript of the discussion organised by this group in October 2010.
- 29.
Pinkwashing is a term used to describe a strategy where LGBT-friendliness is promoted as a way of masking other less socially acceptable practices.
- 30.
Some Croatian LGBT activists expressed similar concerns about Zagreb Pride parades. Thus, Simić (2011, online) argues: “The last three Prides have been somewhat ‘uneventful’ (with more police protection, less violence, less scandals)—but they are particularly interesting for the employment of pro-EU rhetoric in activists’ struggle for rights and recognition. At the 2008 Pride, the organizers stated that “every attack on an LGBTIQ person is an attack on civilized and European, democratic and free Croatian society”. Also, on several occasions activists have also called on international organizations to write to Croatian government officials in order to apply pressure, and it seems that many activists have found the EU accession process and the lobbying efforts of international organizations to be powerful and useful in their struggles. The other side of the coin, however, is the doubt about the potential of these strategies to produce long term change as it is not unlikely that after entering the EU Croatia might become another Poland. It is possible that after becoming a member, there will no longer be pressure on the Croatian government or the political will to enforce its already existing legislation or to create other sexual rights that have not already been granted in Croatia or even in the European Union”.
- 31.
In 2013, Gay Straight Alliance established an award “Duga” (rainbow) with which it recognises contributions to the fight against homophobia and transphobia and the protection and promotion of human rights of LGBT people in Serbia. Even though the original idea was that the award would be given on the basis of a wide consensus of various organisations, institutions, and individuals, the award became rather controversial after it was given to the representatives of the state three consecutive times: first to the Department for Community Policing of the Ministry of the Interior (2012/2013), then to Tanja Miščević, Head of Negotiating Team for Accession of the Republic of Serbia to the EU (2013/2014), and finally to Jadranka Joksimović, Minister without Portfolio in the Government of Serbia (2014/2015). This sequence created frustration among some segments of the LGBT “community” which accused Gay Straight Alliance of homonationalism (Maljković, 2014; see also, Gligorijević, 2015).
- 32.
Similarly, in the context of the first Pride March that took place in 2011 in Split, Croatia, the Dutch Ambassador to Croatia, commenting the violence in the context of Croatia’s accession to the European Union, said: “This event in Split definitely went out of its frame. In the Netherlands such events pass almost unnoticed. The fundamental human rights are part of the 23rd chapter (of the acquis communautaire) whose closure is still not complete. But even once it has been closed, there should be controls that will follow what Croatia does in the field of human rights. The event in Split showed that such a monitoring is really necessary. In all normal democracies, people have the right to demonstrate for their rights and no one should throw stones, glasses or bottles on them” (Večernji, 2011, online).
- 33.
In 2011–2013, the ban referred only to Pride marches, whereas other cultural activities organised within the so-called Pride Week unfolded as planned. Thus, in 2012, the organisers decided to incorporate in the Pride Week programme an exhibition of the Swedish photographer Elisabeth Ohlson Wallin entitled “Ecce Homo” where one photograph depicts a transgender or cross-dressing Jesus surrounded by LGBT apostles. This particularly controversial decision of the Pride organisers further enraged some segments of the Serbian public and the Serbian Orthodox Church. Those who attended the opening of the exhibition were protected by 2000 policemen (Anderson-Minshall, 2012).
- 34.
The 2012 March was supported also by the European Gay Police Association (Naslovi, 2012).
- 35.
However, this EU campaign was not unanimous. For example, in a statement given to Reuters (Morgan, 2012, online), Stefan Füle, the then EU enlargement commissioner, said that he also regretted the extremists’ threats and added that although equal rights are one of the “core foundations of the European projects, it is just one element and there are more important issues to be discussed”.
- 36.
Commenting the prediction that the 2013 Belgrade Pride would be banned, Svetlana Lukić, one of the editors of the online portal Peščanik, wrote: “It is already 13 years that we cannot adopt the most elementary thing—Pride Parade. The Voyager has already left for interstellar space, Macedonia will have solved its name issue and Turkey will have entered the EU before Serbia manages to organise its Pride Parade” (Lukić, 2013, online). Critiques of Serbia’s alleged “backwardness”, which sometimes end up being rather indiscriminate and “self-Balkansing” (see Kiossev, 2011), are a frequent manifestation of an urban “habitus” associated with the so-called Other Serbia (Druga Srbija) (Bilić, 2012; Bilić & Stubbs, 2015). Such reasoning is reminiscent of Kideckel’s (1996, online) notion of “categorical Orientalism”: “In categorical Orientalism subjects retain their voice, though those voices that devalue their own lives, or at least those aspects of them organized by the state, have the greatest credence”.
- 37.
Nesting orientalisms is a concept that captures the gradation of supposed backwardness and primitiveness as one moves from the West to the East (in this case, within the post-Yugoslav space). See, in this regard, Kajinić’s chapter in this volume as well as Melegh (2006).
- 38.
As a reaction to the third consecutive ban, the activists relied on SMS to organise a gathering in front of the National Assembly (the so-called Night Pride) 20 September 2013 late in the evening. Around 200 people participated in this event which took place without incidents (Blic, 2013).
- 39.
IDAHO is a Belgrade-based group of artists and activists dedicated to the increase of LGBT visibility through art and culture. The group was founded in 2013 and operates as an alternative to the “mainstream” activist organisations involved in planning Belgrade Pride marches.
- 40.
The European Pride Organisers Association, a network of activist organisations, was founded 1991 in London with the view of promoting lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender Pride on a European level as well as empowering local and national pride organisations. About professionalisation of activism and the consequences of this process for activist enterprises, see Butterfield’s chapter in this volume.
- 41.
This event is organised by the civic association Egal and Gay Lesbian Info Centre, Belgrade.
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Bilić, B. (2016). Europe ♥ Gays? Europeanisation and Pride Parades in Serbia. In: Bilić, B. (eds) LGBT Activism and Europeanisation in the Post-Yugoslav Space. Palgrave Studies in European Political Sociology. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-57261-5_5
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