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Adolescent Drug Abuse and Delinquency

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Drug Abuse and Antisocial Behavior

Abstract

Continuing with our biosocial, life-course approach to drug abuse and antisocial behavior we focus here on the adolescent period, which we define as beginning with puberty and ending when the frontal areas of the brain have reached a relative degree of maturity. In particular, we examine three interrelated issues that are fundamentally rooted in the framework and the logic of a developmental, life-course perspective. First, we examine the importance of early-onset alcohol and drug use and its connection to concurrent and adult persistent drug abuse and antisocial behavior. Next, we examine child-persistent versus adolescent-onset behavior problems. We make the case that a limited degree of low-grade antisocial behavior can be said to be somewhat normative during adolescence, but also argue that frequent and severe problem behavior during adolescence is anything but normative. Finally, keeping in mind the complex web of causality, we examine avenues by which drug abuse and antisocial behavior co-occur in the lives of many adolescents.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    An important point to note here is that the construct of emerging adulthood is, in part, predicated upon social and economic privilege. Arnett himself very clearly notes that young people in many developing nations make something resembling a full transition to adulthood far earlier on in life than do young people in the United States, Canada, Western Europe, and other developed nations. This is due in large part to the fact that, in contexts of relative economic scarcity, young people simply do not have the luxury of prolonged education and identity exploration. Sometime in the teenage years they have to go to work and assume adult roles, and that’s that. There is, of course, an analogy to be made between the experiences of developing world youth and those of young people growing up in economically disadvantaged families and communities in developed nations. Simply put, not everyone has the resources in place to extend the adolescent period into the twenties.

  2. 2.

    Please note that findings using NSDUH data are highly consistent with studies that have relied upon data from other key sources of youth drug use surveillance in the United States (see Chen & Jacobson 2012; Eaton et al. 2012; Johnston et al. 2015).

  3. 3.

    It is worth noting that we found that most “truant youth” report skipping one to two days of school per month. However, we did identify a small subgroup of youth (6 % of the sample) that reported skipping on average 13 days per month. Youth in this “chronic skipper” class were markedly more likely than their occasionally skipping peers to use drugs and take part in violent and nonviolent criminal behavior. They are also, relative to most other truant youth, more likely to be academically disengaged, report poor grades, and receive little academic help from parents.

  4. 4.

    See Robert Sampson and John Laub’s (1997) chapter on “A life course theory of cumulative disadvantage and the stability of delinquency” for a rich discussion of the ways in which cumulative disadvantage plays out in the lives of youth exhibiting early-onset behavior problems.

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Salas-Wright, C.P., Vaughn, M.G., González, J.M.R. (2016). Adolescent Drug Abuse and Delinquency. In: Drug Abuse and Antisocial Behavior. Palgrave's Frontiers in Criminology Theory. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-55817-6_6

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-55817-6_6

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