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Mining in Colombia: Tracing the Harm of Neoliberal Policies and Practices

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Environmental Crime in Latin America

Part of the book series: Palgrave Studies in Green Criminology ((PSGC))

Abstract

The mining business has long been known as a dirty one: from nineteenth-century coal mines—where black lung, collapsing roofs and gas explosions were among the standard occupational hazards—to twenty-first-century open-pit gold mines—where land poisoning and depletion of renewable and nonrenewable resources is inevitable. Despite the well-known risks of large-scale extraction of minerals to humans, nonhuman animals and ecosystems, over the last couple of decades, the Colombian government has introduced a series of policies to attract international capital to the national extractive business. The government has been successful in this and, as a consequence, a mining boom—aided by aggressive implementation of neoliberal policies—has taken place.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Although it is necessary to acknowledge the harm produced by small and medium-scale dirty mining—characterized by the use of heavy machinery, mercury and a blatant disregard for the health and wellbeing of humans and the environment—this chapter is mainly concerned with legal, large-scale mining.

  2. 2.

    Some of the findings that have been omitted in this chapter, particularly those that refer in detail to the concept of state-corporate crime, appear in Zaitch and Gutiérrez Gómez (2015).

  3. 3.

    The idea of a “global periphery” stems from World-systems theory, which suggests that the world is stratified structurally in a “system composed of economically, culturally, and militarily dominant core societies…and dependent peripheral and semi-peripheral regions” (Chase-Dunn 2011, p. 1060). Colombia is considered part of the peripheral region.

  4. 4.

    This idea of “development” is based on the assumption that progress is a linear process for the betterment of societies. “Developed nations” are deemed to be further ahead in the race, while “developing” or “underdeveloped nations” are viewed as trailing behind them, trying to catch up. This rationale has been challenged Dependency, World-systems and Southern theorists, who question the notion of development as a linear process in which the Global North is just “more advanced.”

  5. 5.

    The concept of governability is explained by Kooiman et al. (2008, p. 3) in the following way: “Governors, the governed and the nature of interactions among governors and the governed all contribute to governability. Governability can therefore be defined as: The overall capacity for governance of any societal entity or system.”

  6. 6.

    The calculations were made with the World Bank’s GINI estimations (World Bank 2015). All the countries that had data for 2011, 2012 and 2013 were taken into account; data for 2014 and 2015 are not yet available. I used the average of the available data for each country in order to establish the ranking (if there were data available for one year only, that number was used for the ranking).

  7. 7.

    A piñata is a hollow container—generally made of papier-mâché in the shape of an animal or cartoon character—that is traditionally hung up at children’s birthday parties and hit with a stick until its contents (usually candy and small presents) fall out.

  8. 8.

    Exploring the relationship between mining corporations and illegal armed groups is beyond the scope of this chapter; however, there has been evidence of collaboration between them (see, e.g., Massé 2012; Pax 2014).

  9. 9.

    Calculated by Colombia Solidarity Campaign (2013, p. 9), using data obtained from AGA’s Annual Mineral Resource and Ore Reserve Report, and ciphers provided by one of their executives and reported in IKV Pax Christi’s report on La Colosa (2009).

  10. 10.

    Coal is the only rate that is not fixed, with a higher rate for producers of over three million tons annually (Agencia Nacional de Minería 2015 http://www.anm.gov.co/?q=PreguntasFrecuentes).

  11. 11.

    For a detailed report about La Colosa and the risks of the project, please refer to the Colombia Solidarity Campaign report La Colosa: A Death Foretold (2013). The document is filled with technical information provided by independent consultants, geologists and first-hand fieldwork.

  12. 12.

    Barequeo is “the activity of manually washing sand, without the help of any machine or mechanical systems, in order to separate and collect the precious materials in it” (Article 155, 2001 Mining Code, my translation).

  13. 13.

    Artículo 42 Ley 99 de 1993: “It is understood as environmental harm whatever impacts the normal functioning of ecosystems or the renewability of its resources or components” (my translation).

  14. 14.

    For other accounts about AGA’s misbehavior in Colombia, see, e.g., Colombia Solidarity Campaign (2013), Gutiérrez Gómez (2013), and Zaitch and Gutiérrez Gómez (2015).

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Acknowledgement

I am very grateful to Eoghan Ahern, Javier Gonzalez, Santiago Gutiérrez, Hannah Jewell, and Sam Wetherell, for commenting on earlier drafts of this chapter.

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Correspondence to Laura Gutiérrez-Gómez .

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Gutiérrez-Gómez, L. (2017). Mining in Colombia: Tracing the Harm of Neoliberal Policies and Practices. In: Rodríguez Goyes, D., Mol, H., Brisman, A., South, N. (eds) Environmental Crime in Latin America. Palgrave Studies in Green Criminology. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-55705-6_5

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-55705-6_5

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