1 Introduction

Awe is considered an epistemic emotion. Epistemic emotions, including curiosity, surprise, and wonder, occur during epistemic cognitive activities related to acquiring knowledge and understanding of the world around us (Valdesolo et al., 2017; Vogl et al., 2021). Epistemic emotions “result from cognitive appraisals about the (mis-)alignment between new information and existing knowledge or beliefs” (Vogl et al., 2021, p. 41) and can facilitate continual self-learning and personal development. Epistemic emotions are activated by new experiences outside current schemas (Valdesolo, et al., 2017). Fittingly, in their pivotal paper on awe, Keltner and Haidt (2003) stated that “…awe-inducing events may be one of the fastest and most powerful methods of personal change and growth” (p. 312).

A multifaceted emotion, awe is shaped by the core cognitive appraisal of perceived vastness and often requires the cognitive process of a need for accommodation (Chirico & Yaden, 2018; Keltner & Haidt, 2003). Vastness is defined as a stimulus or event that is appraised as much greater in physical size than the self, (e.g., sense of physical size of a vast landscape or outer space) or is conceptually beyond regular levels of experience, or frame of reference, such as artistic complexity based on fine detail or a person’s incalculable power, strength, or skill (Chirico & Yaden, 2018; Keltner & Haidt, 2003). The perception of vastness can often encompass a perception of diminished self-size or small self (Piff et al., 2015; Weger & Wagemann, 2021). When mental frameworks and schemas are exceeded or challenged by new experiences, including by vast stimuli, there is a cognitive need to adjust one’s current understanding of the world outside one’s existing frame of reference, thus, a need for accommodation (NFA) (Guan et al., 2019; Joye & Dewitte, 2016; Keltner & Haidt, 2003). Accommodation is the cognitive process of modifying or updating knowledge and beliefs by integrating new experiences or information, such as, beauty, extraordinary ability, virtue, exposure to threat, or the supernatural that may elicit or imbue awe (Chirico & Yaden, 2018; Keltner & Haidt, 2003).

In comparison to other emotions, awe is unique due to its inherent quality of flexible positive and negative valence (Chirico, 2020). Awe with a predominant positive valence is frequently associated with feelings of wonder and amazement (Nelson-Coffey et al., 2019; Sharma & Kabra, 2021) evoked, for example, by witnessing an intensely coloured sunset or immense ocean vista. Cognitions related to awe stimulated by perceived threat, however, may evoke negative valence such as feeling fear and anxiety when exposed to uncertain or unfamiliar environments (e.g., swimming in the open ocean) or experiencing an unexpected, potentially life-threatening event (e.g., an earthquake or flooding).

Chirico and Gaggioli (2021) describe awe’s effect on people as an unfolding process “from a physiological or neurophysiological level, through to a psychological one, to an existential one” (p. 2). Schneider (2005) explains that awe has three defining psychosocial principles: i) an appreciation for life; ii) discernment or the need to channel, react to, or determine what one appreciates in life; and iii) relinquishment of the desire to control the environment by submitting to nature or the vast unknown. Further, as a self-transcendent emotion, that is an emotion that facilitates individuals to go beyond or transcend their own needs and expand their mindset, awe can motivate individuals to decrease their focus on their own wants and desires, and focus more on the needs and welfare of others (Chirico & Yaden, 2018; Stellar et al., 2018). Like other self-transcendent emotions, such as compassion and gratitude, awe facilitates an attentional shift towards others, that is self-diminishment, and fosters prosocial behaviour, connection, and cooperation (Chirico & Yaden, 2018; Stellar et al., 2018). Thus, awe can facilitate belief or schema change and connectedness.

Emotions with a negative valence, such as anxiety, have been extensively researched, such as their phenomenology, and psychological theories and theoretical models. However, scant attention has been paid to discrete, predominantly positive emotions such as awe (Chirico & Gaggioli, 2021). Indeed, awe has been overlooked in emotion research (Chirico et al., 2017, 2018; Nelson-Coffey et al., 2019). Given awe’s ability to enable cognitive change, self-transformation, and well-being (Anderson et al., 2018; Chirico, 2020; Chirico & Yaden, 2018), a systematic review of the research on awe is warranted. From this perspective, this paper seeks to clarify and collate the psychological constructs of the emotion of awe.

The type of emotion a person experiences is determined by their thoughts and beliefs based on their past and present experiences (Beck, 2010; Clark & Beck, 2010). This fundamental tenet is a cornerstone of Beck's cognitive theory, which has been influential in the understanding of emotion and mental health. Beck’s theory, and the ensuing cognitive behavioural models, have been validated extensively and his theory was influenced by the Stoic Greek philosophers and draws from Lazarus' cognitive appraisal theory of emotion (Beck, 2010; Lazarus, 1991; Lazarus & Folkman, 1984; Ziegler, 2001). Cognitive behavioural models emphasise interacting systems; that is, the environment the person is embedded in (i.e., antecedents or triggers; current environmental stimuli), and their associated responses to these antecedents and triggers in terms of cognition, emotion, physical, and behaviour (David & Szentagotai, 2006; Kennerley et al., 2017). Beck's cognitive theory and consequent cognitive behavioural models have been applied to explain negative emotional experiences, such as depression and anxiety, and more recently have been proposed to explain positive human qualities and emotions (Butler et al., 2008; Neenan & Palmer, 2012; Padesky & Mooney, 2012). Consequently, researchers have suggested that cognitive behavioural models could be used to promote well-being and positive experiences (Neenan & Palmer, 2012; Padesky & Mooney, 2012). Thus, a cognitive behavioural model of awe, a powerful and effectual emotion often triggered by overwhelming experiences that can lead to transformational effects and increased well-being, would contribute to our understanding of its interacting elements and effects.

1.1 Research Aim

To enlighten future research, inform how to elicit, cultivate, and benefit from awe to advance well-being and personal growth (e.g., immersive/visitor experience design, mental health interventions, nature therapy), the extant research was evaluated through a cognitive behavioural framework to:

  1. a)

    advance the understanding of awe; and

  2. b)

    develop a cognitive behavioural model of awe, that includes the essential features of antecedents and triggers, cognition, emotion, and physical and behavioural responses.

2 Methodology

2.1 Literature Search Strategy

Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses (PRISMA; Moher et al., 2009) guidelines was used to search, screen, and select eligible articles (Fig. 1). The term ‘awe’ was searched in the titles of peer reviewed research articles of 12 journal databases in August 2020: Psych Net, Science Direct, Scopus, Web of Science, PubMed, ProQuest, EBSCO, SAGE, JSTOR, Springer LINK, Taylor and Francis, and Wiley. Inclusion eligibility required articles to be peer-reviewed, empirical research written in English, available electronically, and published prior to September 2020.

Fig. 1
figure 1

Summary of Systematic Review Research Process

2.2 Data Extraction

We collected data using a data extraction sheet designed for the study. The following information was collected from eligible studies: full reference, abstract, study characteristics (e.g., design, methods, publication year, country), sample demographics (e.g., N, sex, age, and country), definition of awe, measurement of awe, the cognitive behavioural focus of awe in the study, other variables included in the study, and main findings.

3 Results and Discussion

3.1 Study Selection

The initial search yielded 1537 articles which were exported to EndNote where duplicates were removed (n = 897; 58%). High article duplication was due to searching in multiple journal databases. The titles and/or abstracts of the remaining 640 articles were manually scanned by a single author against the literature selection criteria. The 100 remaining articles were then reviewed in full, from which 43 non-empirical studies (e.g., reviews or article commentaries) were removed (Fig. 1). The final number of articles was 57 (see Appendix 1 for a complete list).

3.2 Quality Assessment

A quality assessment was conducted to critically appraise studies within eligible articles to increase rigorous and evidence-based decision-making for effective study design, execution, and reporting (Downes et al., 2016). Two quality assessment tools, Sirriyeh et al.’s (2012) 16-item Quality Assessment Tool (QATSDD) and Downes et al.’s (2016) Appraisal Tool for Cross-Sectional Studies (AXIS tool), were adapted to capture the criteria most relevant to social psychology. An additional criterion, evidence of broader stakeholder involvement in the study design was added. The stakeholder criterion was added because stakeholder engagement in research, primarily health research, is becoming more prevalent and expected due to the translation, influence, and implementation of new scientific findings into real-world environments (Concannon et al., 2019; Goodman & Sanders Thompson, 2017).

The final quality assessment tool comprised 18 criteria items (Table 1), each scored using a three-point scale (0 = not met at all; 1 = partially met, and 2 = completely met). Overall, article quality was presented as a total score and percentage (out of a maximum of 36). Three articles were randomly selected and assessed by two authors achieving a moderate-substantial level of agreement (Cohen, 1960; Landis & Koch, 1977; McHugh, 2012). Discrepancies in scoring and scoring criteria were discussed until a consensus was reached. This informed the quality assessment process and further defined the scoring criteria. Subsequently, the quality assessment of the remaining articles was conducted by one author.

Table 1 Quality Assessment Criteria and the Overall Mean, Standard Deviation, and Percentage Met for Each Criterion for the Total 57 Papers

3.3 Quality Analysis

The mean quality scores for all 57 articles ranged from 11 to 32 out of a possible 36 (M = 23.4, SD = 5; individual total scores and percentages for each paper are reported in Appendix 1). Mean scores were calculated for each criterion for the total 57 papers (Table 1). The lowest and highest scoring criteria are reported below, determined by scores equal or lower than 0.25 (12.5%) and equal or higher than 1.75 (87.5%), respectively. Key findings included:

  • Two criteria had a mean score less than 0.25 indicating limitations in research methods.

  • Only one article (1.8%) met the criteria for Evidence of broader stakeholder involvement in design, scoring full points (M = 0.04, SD = 0.26).

  • Ten articles (17.5%) either partially (n = 8) or fully (n = 2) met criteria for Measures were undertaken to address and categorise non-responders (M = 0.21, SD = 0.49; Table 1).

  • Five criteria had a mean score of equal or greater than 1.75, indicating consistent reporting and a strength in this area of research methods.

  • Most articles received full points regarding clear research aims and relevant methodology.

  • 45 articles (78.9%) scored full points for the criterion Statement of aims/ objectives (M = 1.77, SD = 0.5) and forty-seven (82.5%) articles scored full points for the criterion Fit between stated RQ [research question] & method of data collection (M = 1.82, SD = 0.4).

  • Description of procedure for data collection, also scored consistently high (M = 1.75, SD = 0.4), with 43 (75.4%) articles scoring full points.

  • Most articles scored full points for the criteria related to the results and the discussion (i.e., Results are consistent with the research aim/objectives and the description of the tools and analyses presented in the methods (criterion M = 1.89, SD = 0.4; 91.2% of articles scored 2) and Discussions and conclusions justified by the results (criterion M = 1.89, SD = 0.3; 89.5% of articles scored 2).

3.4 Design

Over half (54%) of the articles contained multiple studies and had more than one sample. The total number of studies within the 57 research articles was 135, averaging 2.4 studies per article with a total of 142 independent participant samples used. Three articles incorporated six individual studies in the one paper (Table 2).

Table 2 Research Characteristics

Most articles used cross-sectional designs (96.5%), with two using a longitudinal design. Quantitative methods (87.7%) dominated. Seven articles applied a qualitative (n = 5, 8.8%) or mixed methods design (n = 2, 3.5%). Half the articles were observational, while the other half were experimental (Table 2). Sample size ranged from eight to 1519 participants with an average sample of size per article of 219. Almost half (49%) of the study samples included undergraduate students. Studies consisted of 24% to 87% female, with an average of 56% females per study.

Awe was used as a dependent variable in over half of the research articles (58%), focusing on how awe was produced in participants (i.e., the experience of awe was dependent on a manipulated stimuli). In the other 42%, awe was elicited by the researchers (i.e., independent variable) to measure the causal effect on another factor (e.g., prosocial behaviour).

3.5 Measurement of Awe

The awe subscale, Dispositional Positive Emotion Scale (DPES), was employed most frequently to measure awe (n = 15; 26%). Other validated scales were also identified:

  1. 1.

    SpREUK (German translation of acronym for "Spiritual and Religious Attitudes in Dealing with Illness") (articles 1, 4),Footnote 1

  2. 2.

    Modified Differential Emotions Scale (16),

  3. 3.

    Awe Experience Scale (20), and

  4. 4.

    Sublime Emotion towards Nature in one study (21).

Most articles measured the experience of awe using a single item on a seven-point scale with slight variation in wording, such as, ‘1 = not at all, and 7 = extremely’ (2, 8, 9, 10, 52); ‘1 = a little, and 7 = very much’ (4, 26); ‘1 = strongly disagree, and 7 = strongly agree’ (22, 36). One article used a 10-point scale to measure the experience of awe ‘1 = none, and 10 = completely (56), while another study used a scale between 1–100 (1 = not at all awed, and 100 = definitely awed; 49). Other articles (mostly qualitative research) measured awe by the occurrence of awe-related language in self-report narratives (55, 6, 7, 9, 20, 57).

3.6 Outcomes

The results from the 57 papers are presented, and grouped, within a cognitive behavioural framework that is consistent with cognitive behavioural models and the nature of awe as a multifaceted experience. The results, with relevant, illustrative examples from the current review, are categorised into the five domains that cognitive behavioural models necessitate (David & Szentagotai, 2006; Kennerley et al., 2017) and provide evidence for each domain within our cognitive behavioural model of awe (see Fig. 2):

  • 1) Antecedents and triggers (activating stimuli) of awe, being tangible environmental triggers (e.g., nature) and predisposing personal factors (e.g., personality traits);

  • 2) Cognition, that is cognitive processes such as thoughts and appraisals or perceptions of internal or external environments or experiences;

  • 3) Emotion, naturally awe itself is an emotion, but this section focuses on other emotions associated with experiencing awe;

  • 4) Physical responses, that is the physiological correlates associated with experiencing awe; and .

  • 5) Behavioural responses to awe.

Fig. 2
figure 2

Cognitive Behavioural Model of Awe

Articles were categorised dependent on the cognitive behavioural aspect that was the primary focus of the research, meaning some articles were categorised into multiple domains.

3.6.1 Antecedents and Triggers

Within any cognitive behavioural conceptualisation, the antecedents and triggers (the activating stimuli) elicit cognitive appraisals and the processes that influence emotional, physiological, and behavioural responses such as awe (Greenberger & Padesky, 2016). These can be tangible environmental triggers or activating stimuli (e.g., nature) and predisposing personal factors (e.g., personality traits). In the present review, awe was used as a dependent variable in 33 articles to explore the factors that stimulated awe. Fourteen of these articles were based on experiences of nature as the primary mechanism for eliciting awe. Nature was the most frequently utilised stimulus to elicit awe. The method of exposure to nature varied, such as, reflection on past feelings of awe when in nature (7, 19), images of nature (23), videos of nature (13, 16), simulated virtual reality of nature (8, 10), and immersive experiences in nature (11, 56). Seven articles focused on other methods of eliciting awe which were not related to nature, such as asking participants to reflect on previous experiences of awe (4, 9, 12, 13), exposure to real, and images of, built environments such as cultural sites and high buildings (22, 26), and augmented realities (AR) such as a virtual Lego Playground (3).

Of the 24 articles that used awe as an independent variable (i.e., elicited awe in participants and measured a dependent effect), 20 used videos of nature (e.g., space, mountains, and natural phenomenon) to elicit awe. One article used social power as an antecedent to elicit awe (50). In another article, participants were asked to recall an experience when they felt awe (46), and two articles were observational, correlating dispositional awe scores with neural activity (54) and well-being (44). The perception of natural environments consistently demonstrated the cognitive aspect of vastness, small self, and need for accommodation as key antecedences to eliciting awe (e.g., 4, 6, 7, 9, 10, 16, 19, 24). These aspects will be covered further in the Cognition section of this review 3.6.2.

One-third of the articles using awe as a dependent variable, focused on predisposing personal factors of awe. Five articles found a positive relationship between awe and the personality traits extraversion and openness to experience (14, 15, 23, 25, 27). Four articles found a positive relationship between awe and spiritual and religious practice (e.g., prayer and meditation) and attitudes (1, 2, 5, 17). Awe was also found to be triggered by scientific thinking (28), perceptions of authenticity and transcendence (18), and interpersonal relationships related to the perception of love, virtue, and excellence of character (20). Table 3 summarises the various methods used to elicit awe in all 57 articles.

Table 3 Methods of Eliciting Awe

Nature has consistently been found to elicit awe (Anderson et al., 2018; Collado & Manrique, 2020). Notably, 36 of the research articles used nature to elicit awe through real nature immersion, virtual reality of nature, nature videos or images, or recall of a nature experience. A qualitative study by Pearce et al. (2017), exploring the experience of tourists undertaking nature-based holidays in the Kimberley Region (Australia), identified five themes associated with awe elicitation associated with nature: i) marine fauna (e.g., seeing dolphins, whales, turtle, sharks); ii) aesthetics (e.g., vibrant and contrasting colours, sunsets, changing vistas); iii) ecological phenomena (e.g., reefs and waterfalls); iv) vast geological landscape (vast and grand coastal and gorge formations); and v) reflective/perspective moments (e.g., the opportunity to pause and reflect on the location and nature while within it). The first four themes link directly to viewing extrinsic aspects (external triggers), while the reflective/perspective moments were intrinsic (internal triggers), fostering personal reflection on physical nature, settings, which in turn facilitated awe. In comparison to built-up environments, immersion in nature, even for brief periods of time, can have a potent effect on awe (Ballew & Omoto, 2018). Nonetheless, in more recent research, man-made sites (e.g., Three Gorges Dam, China) have been shown to elicit similar levels of awe as natural sites (e.g., Yellow Mountain, China) (Wang & Lyu, 2019); however, arguably the man-made site in this study was embedded in nature.

In regard to the elicitation of awe through various media (e.g., picture, videos, or VR) with content of nature or man-made environments (e.g., tall buildings), there has been emerging and diverse findings (Joye & Dewitte, 2016; Stancato & Keltner, 2021; van Elk & Rotteveel, 2020; Wang & Lyu, 2019). For example, VR was found to trigger higher NFA and awe than two-dimensional (2D) screen videos (Chirico et al., 2017). Other research presented various VR content (e.g., Google Earth VR, Mount Everest) to a small group of participants (n = 16) and found that interactive VR (where users can self-select the environment they visit) was particularly good at evoking awe as well as familiar environments creating as much awe as unfamiliar settings (Quesnel & Riecke, 2018). Further, Chirico et al. (2018) identified that different VR environments produced differing levels of awe. For example, mountains and Earth evoked higher levels of vastness compared to forests, and forests and mountains induced a higher sense of presence than an Earth view. However, a mixed-reality simulation of Earth was more likely to evoke awe and wonder compared to a Deep Space simulation (Reinerman-Jones et al., 2013). At a 2D level, scientific videos (e.g., quantum physics, biology, astronomy) can evoke awe and, in turn, increase beliefs about a mystical and limitless God (Johnson et al., 2019). AR, which overlays the real world with virtual information, has been found to trigger awe, which is relevant given AR’s substantial growth and uptake in education, tourism, and consumer products (Hinsch et al., 2020).

A range of other antecedents can generate awe including spirituality, cultural artefacts, music, and merchandise (Bai et al., 2017). For example, Preston and Shin (2017) found that spiritual experiences evoked awe, including those non-religious (e.g., nature, meditation, peak experiences, science) or religious in character. Correspondingly, research evaluating a scenic Chinese mountain with a Buddhist heritage revealed that for secular tourists visiting the site, awe was elicited by the vastness of the natural setting. Whereas the sites’ perceived religious sanctity and religious ambience evoked awe for those tourists who identified as Buddhist believers (Lu et al., 2017). While awe is most frequently associated with elicitation by positive, inspiring, and beautiful locations, or spirituality, it can also be triggered by sites of tragedy and death (e.g., site of China’s Nanjing Massacre) (Wang et al., 2020).

Upbeat, reflective, and complex music, in combination with personal preference can elicit awe and influence the intensity level of the awe felt (Pilgrim et al., 2017). Indeed, feeling awe, in contrast to feeling happiness, has been found to increase the likelihood people will endorse music, art, and nature as the stimulus of the emotion they are experiencing (Shiota et al., 2007). Consumer products that trigger a need for accommodation and timelessness can evoke awe, including products such as Tesla, 3D printers, and a Lego APP (Guo et al., 2018; Hinsch et al., 2020).

In addition to the multiple external stimuli noted above, there are internal antecedents of awe worth noting, such as personality traits. Stellar et al. (2018) revealed that people higher on the personality trait of dispositional awe were evaluated as humble by their friends, including when controlling for positive affect, joy, and openness to experience. Further, the disposition to experience awe was found to be associated with a more accurate comprehension of how science works and a rejection of creationism and teleological explanations (Gottlieb et al., 2018). This relationship was unique to awe and not other positive emotions (Gottlieb et al., 2018). Dispositional awe is correlated with a low need for cognitive closure (Shiota et al., 2007), indicating awe-prone people are more likely to endure cognitive modification and potentially better able to tolerate uncertainty. Dispositional awe occurs across cultures, with one study finding it was present in Iranian, Malaysian, Polish, and US samples. However, the same study indicated differences between countries in terms of the frequency of experiencing awe itself (Razavi et al., 2016). The personality trait of openness to experience was found to predict awe-like experiences when viewing space images or listening to music (Silvia et al., 2015). Similarly, in a Chinese student sample, those who endorsed greater openness to experience and extraversion personality traits, were both higher in dispositional awe and more likely to experience awe (Dong & Ni, 2020). Further, dispositional awe predicted increased levels of subjective well-being (Dong & Ni, 2020). In contrast, a small sample (n = 16) found that personality traits were not correlated with awe (Quesnel & Riecke, 2018). While awe was not measured independently of gratitude, a validation study on a measure of gratitude and awe found a moderate correlation with a grateful disposition (Büssing et al., 2018).

Importantly, research has shown that awe elicitors may have differential effects in terms of the type of cognition and emotion subsequently experienced (Rivera et al., 2020). For example, observing videos of either nature or tornadoes both evoked awe; however, while the nature videos increased happiness, the tornado video did not (Rivera et al., 2020). Cognition’s role in awe will now be discussed.

3.6.2 Cognition

From a cognitive behavioural standpoint, cognition shapes our emotional, physiological, and behavioural experiences; furthermore, cognition, or information processing, can occur from preconsciousness to consciousness (Brown et al., 2015). Cognition includes, but is not limited to thoughts, appraisals, perception, mental images, beliefs, and schema (Brown et al., 2015; Butler et al., 2018). Cognition influences our emotion, and once that emotion is present, further thoughts and appraisals continue to influence the nature of that emotion (Greenberger & Padesky, 2016). Cognition is an essential component of the experience of awe and was a central focus of most of the reviewed articles (n = 38, 67%). Three key cognitive components of awe are well established in the literature: i) the need for accommodation with existing knowledge and schema; ii) vastness; and iii) perception of small self. Forty percent (n = 23) of the articles in this review explicitly noted NFA, small self, and/or vastness as mechanisms of experiencing awe (Table 2). The remaining papers focused on participants’ perceptions and beliefs associated with relationships with others, spirituality, and connection to nature.

Experiences that defy our mental representations of the world have the potential to evoke intense emotions such as awe and modify existing schema, that is, facilitate a need for accommodation (Taylor & Uchida, 2019). As evidenced in the antecedent section, several categories of experiences emerged that are either triggers or correlates of the cognitive process of NFA. These include, the perception of vastness and small self, and spiritual and scientific experiences. An example of this is shown in several papers (Pearce et al., 2017; Shiota et al., 2007). For example, Pearce et al. (2017) reported on tourists experiencing the Kimberley Region’s (Australia) breathtaking flora and fauna and vast geological features. Pearce et al. (2017) described that these tourists experienced awe when seeing the Kimberley Region’s Horizontal Falls wherein they had to mentally update (i.e., accommodate) their prior concepts of waterfalls being vertical.

Most studies that focus on vastness and NFA found that both constructs are associated with awe. However, NFA and vastness have been demonstrated to have differential effects on awe and emotion. For example, Schurtz et al., (2012) determined that vastness, not NFA, was related to awe; however, Schurtz noted that because their study was centred on awe associated with social triggers (e.g., interactions with people with great skills/talents or people perceived as more powerful) that NFA may not be as pertinent for social versus non-social stimuli (Schurtz et al., 2012). Yet, higher NFA associated with chaos and extremity (e.g., where harm or death has occurred) may be more likely to evoke horror than awe (Taylor & Uchida, 2019). According to Taylor and Uchida (2019) awe is associated with vastness, whereas horror is associated more with extremity and a threat of harm (Taylor & Uchida, 2019). Similarly, Gordan et al. (2017) demonstrated that awe was associated with vastness and NFA, but found that when participants also endorsed cognitive appraisals of threat, related to a situation being perceived as uncontrollable or lacking certainty, that they also experienced fear and a flight-or-fight, physiological response. Conversely, situations in which an individual appraises they have more personal control were more related to awe with a positive valence (Gordon et al., 2017).

A sense of small self or perceived diminished self-size has been consistently substantiated as an important aspect of awe and often co-occurs with the perception of vastness (Bai et al., 2017; Piff et al., 2015; Rivera et al., 2020). Using daily diaries to record awe experiences, participants (n = 166) demonstrated that on the days they experienced awe, perceived self-size was smaller than on days they experienced joy. This effect was consistent regardless of whether participants belonged to an individualistic sample (primarily North Americans) or collectivist sample (primarily Chinese) (Bai et al., 2017). Bai et al. (2017) demonstrated that smaller perceived self-size was elicited by awe over and above several other emotions, and that awe did not reduce one’s self-esteem or sense of rank. Further, Bai et al. (2017) highlighted that awe has universal features across cultures, including small self and similar elicitors. However, at a micro level, cultural variations may include collectivist cultures (Chinese), in contrast to individualistic cultures (United States), experiencing awe more frequently evoked by socially engaging and interpersonal experiences.

Rivera et al. (2020) found that awe may produce opposing effects on people’s meaning of life via a sense of small self. Depending on the awe elicitor, nature video versus a tornado video, one’s meaning in life may be positively or negatively impacted. Preston and Shin (2017) reported that a small sense of self mediated the effect of spirituality on awe regarding both religious and non-religious experiences. Awe induced via watching nature videos increased beliefs in the supernatural and intentional-pattern perception (i.e., that patterns are intentionally designed by some agent such as supernatural or human) across several studies by Valdesolo and Graham (2014). Further, awe decreased individuals’ tolerance for uncertainty that in turn increased supernatural beliefs as well as perceive human agency in random occurrences (Valdesolo & Graham, 2014).

Research focused on people with multiple sclerosis or a psychiatric disorder (n = 461) found that people lesser on spirituality or religiosity, experienced lower levels of awe and gratitude (Büssing et al., 2014). In contrast, people who did not experience awe or wonder, after viewing simulated mixed-reality views of Earth and Deep Space, had higher religiosity and spirituality scores compared to those who did experience awe and wonder; indicating awe triggered by space views can occur without the presence of religiosity or spirituality (Reinerman-Jones et al., 2013). Whereas awe, triggered by nature videos, reduced beliefs in science for theists but not so for nontheists. However, awe increased nontheists inclination towards an orderly, scientific theory of evolution but did not affect theists’ theoretical preferences (Valdesolo et al., 2016). Awe can activate spiritual or religious people to hypothetically chose a spiritual travel destination (Tibet) over a non-spiritual destination (Haiti) (Van Cappellen & Saroglu, 2012). The same research demonstrated that awe, elicited through videos of nature or childbirth, led religious or spiritual people to favour feelings of oneness with others and friends (Van Cappellen & Saroglu, 2012).

Other cognitive variations in the experience of awe have been studied. Graziosi and Yaden (2019) evaluated awe evoked by recalling when awe was inspired by someone we love (i.e., interpersonal) in contrast to nature inspired awe. Interpersonal inspired awe had cognitive qualities of vastness, accommodation, self-diminishment, and physiological effects but less so than that of nature inspired awe. Furthermore, interpersonal inspired awe did not evoke altered time perception but was dominated by aspects of virtue or excellence of another’s character, whereas nature inspired awe contributed to a higher alteration of time perception, and themes of beauty and threat (Graziosi & Yaden, 2019). Interestingly, van Elk and Rotteveel (2020) found lab-induced awe may alter the cognitive process of time perception but not consistently.

Awe has been found to mediate the relationship of NFA, vastness, and self-diminishment on humility (Stellar et al., 2018). Stellar et al. found that daily experiences of awe, over and above positive affect and compassion, was related to experiencing more humility. In addition, awe via video induction resulted in participants reporting a more balanced perspective of their strengths and weaknesses (i.e., humility) compared to a control group (Stellar et al., 2018). Similarly, Powell et al. (2012) found that an Antarctic tour evoked awe that included experiencing humility, a spiritual connection with nature, refinement of the nature-human relationship, clarification of one’s goal and priorities, and the sense of undergoing a transformative experience. Further evidence of awe as an epistemic experience, was demonstrated by McPhetres (2019) who found that awe elicited by video and 360˚ VR nature content, in comparison to control conditions, led to participants having greater cognitive awareness of their knowledge gaps about the natural world. Awe appears to increase an individual’s sense of membership in a greater whole with less focus on the self (Shiota et al., 2007), correlating with a stronger sense of connectedness to others (Nelson-Coffey et al., 2019).

Fifteen cognitively focused articles did not primarily focus on or mention NFA, small self, or vastness. Arguably these studies’ findings comprised aspects of NFA, small self or vastness; nonetheless, two themes emerged: i) perception of oneself and relationship to the other (e.g., individuals, objects, nature, and time); and ii) personal beliefs (e.g., spiritual, scientific, and ethical). Perception of oneself and relationship to the other was included in eight articles. These studies sought to investigate awe that resulted in attentional absorption in the surrounding nature (Ballew & Omoto, 2018) and perception of connectedness with the natural environment (Darbor et al., 2016; Hicks & Stewart, 2020; Yang et al., 2018). Awe was found to strengthen the interest, connection, and loyalty to a cultural tourism site in China (Su et al., 2020). Similarly, a cognitive appraisal of nature-based psychological ownership (e.g., the earth or nature is ours) enhanced by the experience of awe can increase a willingness to engage in green purchase behaviour and influence social connectedness (Wang et al., 2019). Awe was also experienced in socially threatening contexts, related to perceptions of powerful others (Gordon et al., 2017).

Personal beliefs were explored in five articles to reveal awe increased spiritual beliefs and decreased beliefs in science for individuals with strong religious views (Büssing et al., 2018, Valdesolo and Graham, 2014; Valdesolo et al., 2016), potentially mediated through increased agency detection as a means to overcome uncertainty (Valdesolo and Graham, 2014). It has also been demonstrated that awe reduces one’s ethical and moral convictions to maintain social cohesion (Briñol et al., 2018; Stancato & Keltner, 2021). Experiencing awe can decrease individuals’ convictions about capital punishment, reduce perceptions of polarisation in regard to racial bias within the criminal system (United States), and decrease desired social distance from those who hold different perspectives regarding immigration (Stancato & Keltner, 2021).

Dispositional awe has been associated with various beliefs about God (Johnson et al., 2019). Johnson et al. found that dispositional awe and self-transcendence were related to beliefs in God as mystical, benevolent, and limitless, but not an authoritarian God. While both spirituality and religion significantly correlated to dispositional awe and state awe (Kearns & Tyler, 2020). Dispositional awe was positively correlated with meaning in life and negatively correlated with materialism. Moreover, dispositional awe’s relationship to subjective well-being was mediated by cognition related to meaning in life and materialism (Zhao et al., 2019). It is apparent from the many studies of cognition within awe that awe can facilitate intrapersonal processes and change. Emotional responses will now be outlined.

3.6.3 Emotion

Emotion or affect is a core experiential component of cognitive behavioural conceptualisations (Kennerley et al., 2017). While the cognitions that elicit and maintain the emotion of awe via appraisal and reappraisal are pivotal, there are other emotions that may be experienced in combination with awe, such as compassion, gratitude, love, shame, fear, and disgust, that are relevant within a cognitive behavioural understanding (Nelson-Coffey et al., 2019). The concept of awe as an emotional experience and its relationship to other emotions was a central component in twenty-one of the reviewed articles. For example, experiencing awe can also concurrently increase happiness (Rivera et al., 2020). Gordon et al. (2017) noted that awe with generally positive valence was associated with momentary boosts in well-being, whereas awe associated with appraisals of threat, was not. Experiencing awe in nature was positively associated with overall well-being (i.e., emotional, physical, satisfaction with life), over and above other positive emotions in military veterans and youth from underserved communities (Anderson et al., 2018).

Dispositional awe has been positively associated with well-being (Zhao et al., 2019). Further, dispositional awe and awe induction (i.e., state awe) through watching a video of nature images paired with instrumental music, have been shown to contribute to experiencing more positive emotions and less anxiety during waiting periods (i.e., waiting for intelligence test results) than a neutral control group (Rankin et al., 2020). Moreover, in the same study, regardless of an individual’s level of dispositional awe, state awe was found to cause more positive emotion and less anxiety in participants waiting for their results (Rankin et al., 2020). Importantly, from a mental health perspective, awe has been shown to buffer against negative emotion associated with both imagined and actual loss of possessions (Koh et al., 2019). While the researchers suggested this may be due to awe’s ability to lead to the cognitive effect of diminished focus on the self, this was not directly tested. Nonetheless, less negative affect compared to comparison groups (induced neutral affect) was demonstrated (Koh et al., 2019).

Lastly, awe’s differentiation as an emotional response compared to wonder and happiness was explored in 122 university students’ written descriptions of experiencing these emotions (Darbor et al., 2016). Results showed that awe and wonder, in contrast to happiness, were more focused on accommodation of novelty, consistent with NFA. Unsurprisingly, awe and wonder appeared similar; however, people describing awe were more focused on observing and the perception of novelty, whereas, wonder was associated more with understanding novelty and it’s causation (Darbor et al., 2016).

3.6.4 Physical

Our physical responses, including bodily sensations and physiological processes, are a foundational component of any cognitive behavioural understanding or model of emotion or human experience (Butler et al., 2018; Kennerley et al., 2017). Of the 57 studies, 12 (8, 13, 19, 26, 48–55) explicitly investigated the physical correlates of awe. These studies included findings related to neural correlates, parasympathetic activation, goose bumps, and facial expression. Arguably, some of the research on neural structures and awe could be viewed as through an antecedent’s lens. However, due to the complexity of such structures, and their temporal effects, these are further examined here. Guan et al. (2018) employing voxel-based morphometry examined the neural correlates of dispositional awe relationships. They found that dispositional awe was negatively correlated to regional grey matter volume (rGMV) in the anterior cingulate cortex, middle/posterior cingulate cortex and middle temporal gyrus (Guan et al., 2018), noting that these areas are associated with cognitive control, attention, conscious self-regulation, and social emotion. Guan et al. (2018) noted their findings were consistent with other research highlighting the function of these regions of the brain in managing cognitive conflict and the regulation of behaviours in response to rapid changes in a person’s environment. This view is in concordance with awe’s mechanism of the need for accommodation.

Consistent with the findings of Guan et al. (2018) regarding the neural correlates of dispositional awe, Takano and Nomura (2020) found that awe associated with both awe associated with stimuli perceived as positive (e.g., aesthetically appealing, charismatic figures) and awe associated with stimuli perceived as threatening (e.g., natural disaster) resulted in deactivation of the left middle temporal gyrus; this is consistent with the middle temporal gyrus being associated with schema change. Further, awe associated with stimuli perceived as positive was related to increased functional connectivity between the anterior/posterior cingulate cortex and the middle temporal gyrus, which are believed to be associated with self-other representation and aesthetic reward processes (Takano & Nomura, 2020). In contrast, awe associated with stimuli perceived as threatening (e.g., natural disaster) was associated with increased functional connectivity between the amygdala, which senses threat, and the middle temporal gyrus (Takano & Nomura, 2020). These findings regarding differing brain regions reiterate the possible variations in the experience of awe dependent on the associated cognitive appraisals.

Guan et al. (2019) evaluated the neural correlates of awe with positive and negative valence in a sample of 62 adults. Awe with a positive valence, evoked via images of natural landscapes, was positively correlated with grey matter volume in the precuneus and negatively correlated with grey matter volume in the right calcarine and left fusiform. Awe with a negative valence, evoked via images of natural disasters, was negatively correlated with grey matter volume in the right and left insula and the left superior temporal gyrus. Such findings reveal the neural differences in the experience of awe associated with variations in valence and appraisals (Guan et al., 2019). Other neural correlates research identified that the default mode network (DMN; frontal pole, angular gyrus, & posterior cingulate cortex) that is typically associated with self-referential processing and mind-wandering was less active in participants watching awe videos in contrast to when they viewed positive or neutral videos (van Elk et al., 2019). The researchers believe these results indicated that experiencing awe is related to less mind-wandering and less self-referential processing, coherent with awe’s ability to create the sense of small self (van Elk et al., 2019). In regard to neurological activity, Reinerman-Jones et al. (2013) found that during simulated Earth or Deep Space mixed-reality, higher levels of left and right hemisphere theta wave activity was present for those who did not experience awe or wonder. Reinerman-Jones et al. (2013) attributed this to participants potentially experiencing drowsiness rather than awe. Gordon et al. (2017) evaluated the physiological responses of experiencing awe related to stimuli appraised as threatening and noted a potentially different physiological profile than awe triggered by stimuli appraised as positive. That is, those in the condition that included awe that was evoked by threat appraisals experienced sympathetic arousal (flight-or-fight response) including higher heart rates; whereas those in the awe condition associated with positive appraisals of stimuli exhibited increased parasympathetic arousal. Adding to the complexity, awe elicited by immersive VR (i.e., nature landscapes) resulted in a higher parasympathetic response than a sympathetic one (Chirico et al., 2017); conversely, awe, evoked by pictures of tall buildings, resulted in a freezing response (Joye & Dewitte, 2016). Physiologically, Quesnel and Riecke (2018) demonstrated that interactive VR of landscapes produced goose bumps in seven out of 16 participants. Further, 64% of the occurrence of goose bumps occurred when participants selected a location of their choice via VR, rather than those offered by the researchers. Moreover, those who experienced goose bumps endorsed higher awe ratings than those who did not experience goose bumps. Further, over a four-week period, 93 university students recorded episodes of goose bumps, which revealed that goose bumps associated with awe was the second highest reason for goose bumps after responses to cold (Schurtz et al., 2012). In their sample, awe related to social triggers (e.g., response to a perceived powerful person or someone with notable skills/talents) was the most frequent, followed by aesthetic triggers (e.g., music), and then nature (Schurtz et al., 2012). Additionally, awe was positively correlated with the intensity of the goose bumps (Schurtz et al., 2012). Regarding facial expressions, in a sample of 40 males and 32 females, awe was typically expressed with a partially forward extended head, with raised inner eyebrows, widened eyes, and slightly open, drop-jawed mouth, as well as, visible inhalation (Shiota et al., 2003). In contrast, Chirico et al. (p.5, 2017) found VR-induced awe was “ambivalent” in nature; that is, the accompanying positive and negative facial muscle tone was blended. The powerful physiological impact of awe was demonstrated by Joye and Dewitte (2016) who found that awe associated with viewing images of tall buildings may induce behavioural freezing in some people. Further behavioural responses are reviewed below.

3.6.5 Behavioural

Within cognitive behavioural models, a key outcome of the meaning or cognitive appraisals we have about an activating stimulus, and the resultant emotion (e.g., awe), is the consequent behaviour (Butler et al., 2018; Kennerley et al., 2017). In the present review, nine papers specifically reported outcomes related to behaviour or behavioural intentions associated with awe. This included increases in prosocial and environmental behaviours.

Dispositional awe, over other positive emotions, was indirectly related to academic outcomes (i.e., behavioural engagement, work ethics, self-efficacy) via curiosity (Anderson et al., 2020). Additionally, wildlife-inspired awe has been found to contribute to learning about nature, professional pursuits, and pro-environmental behaviour (Hicks & Stewart, 2020). Awe, including awe related to threatening nature stimuli (e.g., from viewing videos of tornados), can elicit a sense of small self and prosocial behaviour and generosity (Piff et al., 2015).

Wang et al. (2019) demonstrated that awe, induced via self-recall or slides of nature or man-made structures (e.g., pyramids), led to a willingness to engage in green consumption behaviour over happy or neutral emotional states. Moreover, awe induced by viewing images of man-made structures or powerful natural phenomenon (e.g., tornadoes, tsunamis) led to green purchase behaviours over a neutral condition (viewing images of furniture/utensils; Wang et al., 2019). That is, Wang et al. (2019) found that awe induced by viewing images of tornados and so forth, associated with higher fear ratings, had the same impact as awe induced by viewing man-made structures on intended green purchasing behaviour. Further, their results demonstrated that stronger awe was associated with a stronger psychological ownership of nature, which in turn increased green consumption intention.

Similarly, Wang and Lyu (2019) found that the elicitation of awe at a national park was associated with intentions to engage in environmentally responsible behaviour. Further, awe evoked in the lab through a video of a national park resulted in immediate use of participants putting rubbish in a rubbish bin over those in a control condition who did this less. Another study demonstrated that the intention to engage in ecological behaviour was associated with experiencing awe evoked by the recall of an awe experience associated with nature/powerful people or by watching an awe-inducing nature video (Yang et al., 2018).

Consumer research found product-inspired awe can increase word-of-mouth behaviour and purchase intentions towards those products; however, the research regarding this measured intention not concrete actions (Guo et al., 2018). Research at a Meizhou cultural site found that experiencing awe mediated tourist involvement and their intended loyalty behaviour (Su et al., 2020).

4 Cognitive Behavioural Model

The focus of this systematic review was to amalgamate awe research through a cognitive behavioural lens on awe’s antecedental (i.e., environmental factors), cognitive, emotional, physical, and behavioural components to advance the psychological understanding of awe. The findings informed a conceptual cognitive behavioural model of awe (Fig. 2). There were 57 studies in this review, predominantly of a quantitative and cross-sectional nature.

In summary, antecedents or triggers were predominantly of nature content, including real or recorded (e.g., images, videos), VR of nature, or induced reflection of a nature memory. Few studies examined non-nature triggers such as man-made structures or music. Overall, and strongly aligned with Keltner and Haidt’s (2003) and Piff et al. (2015) assertions, this review confirmed that stimuli that is vast, including that which creates a sense of small self, activates the cognitive process of the need for accommodation. That is, the individual appraises and cognitively processes an experience that requires potentially effortful accommodation into their existing knowledge. This is not dissimilar to the cognitive process that is theorised to occur in the cognitive model of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD; Ehlers & Clark, 2000) in which people have difficulty cognitively integrating (accommodating) a traumatic event within their existing knowledge. However, while awe may have a negative valence at times related to threat, as evidenced in the current review (e.g., Taylor & Uchida, 2019), it is apparent in the case of PTSD that the threat, real or perceived is central and prevailing, leading to distress and anxiety rather than awe. This highlights the pivotal role of appraisal and accommodation in intense, overwhelming emotional experiences such as awe and traumatic distress.

Indeed, without such schema incongruence and the need for accommodation, awe would not be associated with the transformational change it recurrently has been found to facilitate. Chirico highlights awe’s transformational potential by eloquently stating:

If experiences of profound transformation have a core moment, that can be awe, an emotion able to maximize the possibility to change especially through its self-transcendent nature…Awe would drag people into a deep moment of uncertainty in which assimilation process fails, but accommodation has not successfully taken place yet. In this middle-suspended moment of extreme potential, everything might occur. (Chirico, 2020, p.1).

Derived from cognitive behavioural domains identified in this review, and the earlier model of awe by Schaffer and Kannis-Dymand (2022), we propose the cognitive behavioural model of awe (Fig. 2) that consists of six key phases: three antecedent phases: (1) existing knowledge and neurobiological factors, (2) the activating stimuli, and (3) cognitive appraisal and processes; followed by the experience of awe (4), then the co-occurring processes of physical, emotional, and behavioural responses and potential ongoing cognitive appraisal (5). Lastly, outcomes occur that may generate further updating and modifying of the individual’s knowledge and beliefs, and the possible formation of memories of the awe event (6).

At the existing knowledge and neurobiological factors stage (1), predisposing factors such as dispositional awe and spirituality are noted. Once an activating event occurs (2), such as being immersed in nature or wildlife, the crucial cognitive appraisal process (3) occurs sparking the need for accommodation. This creates the emotional experience of awe, including valence (4). Crucially, this simultaneously stimulates physiological, emotional, behavioural, and cognitive responses (5). For example, goose bumps (physiological), intentionally focusing attention on the awe stimulus (a mental behaviour), other possible co-occurring emotions like wonder or perhaps fear (emotion), and mental absorption in the experience (cognitive) may occur. Such emotional responses occur at varying levels of sympathetic and parasympathetic arousal, likely driven by the activating cognitive appraisals and associated neurological activity. That is, awe associated with stimuli perceived to be positive leads to stronger parasympathetic activation, compared to awe related to stimuli appraised as threatening, which results in fear, anxiety, and sympathetic arousal. Importantly, these physiological, emotional, cognitive, and behavioural elements, sequentially, contribute to the ongoing experience of awe through feedback cycles. The cognitive response may include ongoing cognitive appraisal of the awe experience, whereby the individual may become cognisant of their physiological and emotional response, and this may further maintain and amplify the feeling of awe. Lastly, a range of multicomponent outcomes (6) (e.g., cognitive, emotional, physical, behavioural), may occur, such as, increased well-being, pro-environmental intent, behaviour change, and spiritual or transformational growth. Outcomes and the experience of awe itself are then, in turn, integrated into the person’s existing schema.

5 Strengths and Limitations

The validity of the current review’s findings is based on the available studies identified and their themes rather than effect sizes. Consequently, while the review was extensive it is possible that research may have been overlooked due to the search terms and inclusion criteria employed. Therefore, the cognitive behavioural model presented is based on the methodologies and findings of the identified 57 research papers. Of note, most of the studies were cross-sectional, utilised convenience samples, and quantitative in design. Therefore, causal relationships cannot be determined, and the participants may not have been heterogeneous in terms of culture age, ability, and other demographic variables. Notably, little research focused on cultural differences or awe across the lifespan, thus, limiting the generalisability of the studies and our review findings. Another point to consider is that multiple studies relied on the elicitation of awe through images or video content of nature. While this offers some consistency across studies, it potentially limits the experience of awe, including its potential intensity. Future research should aim to explore awe evoked by stimuli in situ, to ensure a more comprehensive and accurate evaluation.

Further, visual stimuli prevailed. Thus, there is a gap in the research regarding awe being primarily triggered by other senses (e.g., sound). Moreover, the implications for the multisensory elicitation of awe or how awe may be evoked and experienced for those with sensory impairment (e.g., visually impaired) requires further attention. In addition, some limited studies have suggested awe could be categorised into threat-based awe and positive awe, depending on the appraisal of the evoking stimuli; thus, further research exploring how distinct these variants are and their phenomenology would be of interest. Nonetheless, our categorisation should give a robust perspective of the literature trends.

The proposed model cannot visually present every finding from this review as this would result in a cumbersome and potentially incomprehensible framework that lacks utility. Consequently, these constraints need to be acknowledged when considering the proposed cognitive behavioural model of awe.

Despite this, the review has several strengths, including this being the first, published systematic literature of awe and first, research informed, cognitive behavioural model of awe. Approaching any emotion as a single construct is problematic and a key principle of cognitive behavioural approaches, is that psychological experiences are conceptualised as interacting processes within the individual and their environment (Beck, 1995; Kennerley et al., 2017; Padesky & Mooney, 1990). Our cognitive behavioural model of awe is consistent with this by positioning awe within interacting components as evidenced in this review by the research to date. Correspondingly, this review-informed cognitive behavioural model lends itself to facilitating and augmenting awe for individual well-being, visitor and experience design, and for promoting pro-environmentalism and prosocial behaviour.

6 Future Research

This review provides insight into the cognitive behavioural aspects of awe and maps the key findings that have emerged within a cognitive behavioural model. A cognitive behavioural understanding of awe can inform cognitive behavioural design, similar to what we see with cognitive behavioural game design (Starks, 2014), to enable businesses, and visitor and user experience designers to foster awesome and transformational experiences. Further, the proposed model, like most cognitive behavioural models, provides insight into the mechanisms of psychological experiences and indicates processes that could be modulated to foster or amplify awe for well-being.

Consistent with the tradition of empirical research in cognitive behavioural models, future research is needed to empirically test out the model’s proposed pathways, including longitudinal effects. While there is promising research regarding neurological structures that may predispose people to experiencing awe and neurological activity that occurs during awe, this needs further clarification and research.

The scarcity of research regarding people’s awe-related behaviour that examines the behaviour that occurs during or immediately after awe, highlights the need for further empirical research on this dimension. It could be argued that this dimension has been challenging to research because awe-struck individuals may be absorbed in the need for accommodation phase, which results in experiencing behavioural freezing, or similar, while cognitive processes take primacy. That is, behaviours may be less observable or measurable. Thus, the range of mental and physical behaviours needs further investigation. Furthermore, longitudinal studies are needed to substantiate long-term, awe-consequent behaviour beyond the predominant behavioural intentions outcomes currently reported (e.g., pro-environmental intentions, purchase intentions, word-of-mouth). Future research exploring awe across the lifespan and cultures, as well as, examining how the dose, intensity, and frequency of awe affects individuals’ long-term well-being and transformational change is needed.

7 Conclusion

In conclusion, while in past years researchers have noted awe as elusive, complex, and difficult to describe (Pearce et al., 2017; Powell et al., 2012), this review, and the resulting model, contributes to a more comprehensive understanding of this transformative, dynamic emotion, and its components and outcomes. The proposed cognitive behavioural model of awe integrates existing research, from transdisciplinary fields, including psychology and tourism, into a theoretical framework to direct future awe-based research on positive mental health, human and environmental well-being, and experience design.