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The International Copper Cartel, 1935–1939: the good cartel?

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Abstract

A legacy of the pre-Great Depression period was the development of new copper capacity outside the USA. In order to avoid the utilization of this excess capacity in a competitive and possibly pyrrhic way, on March 28, 1935, the International Copper Cartel was formed. While production of cartel members was limited by the use of quotas in times of lower demand, during booms, the cartel removed all quotas in order to restrict the entry of the competitive fringe into the industry. In fact, many authors have considered the latter as a return to non-cooperative conduct. An alternative view, introduced by Montero and Guzmán (J Ind Econ 58(1):106–126, 2010), is that cooperation among members in booms could have been related to output-expanding strategies with the purpose of restricting entry of the competitive fringe in the industry through their own output expansion.

In this paper, a theoretical model is developed in order to differentiate between cartel behavior in the presence of a competitive fringe during booms when firms are not cooperating. It shows that the price elasticity of the cartel supply should be smaller in booms than during recessions, when a non-cooperative behavior is considered in booms, while this may or may not be the case if firms continue cooperating—through an output-expanding cooperation—during booms. The price elasticity of the International Copper Cartel supply is then estimated using an econometric model, and found to be significantly larger in booms than in recessions. This supports the conclusion that members of the cartel cooperated during both booms and recessions. This finding raises the possibility that the International Copper Cartel of 1935–1939 actually could have enhanced social welfare by reducing price volatility, while also having little effect on the secular level of prices.

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Notes

  1. In this paper the word cooperation is used instead of collusion, which is the usual word applied in industrial organization, because the latter has a pejorative connotation. For anti-trust agencies, biased typically toward consumer’ interests, all acts of market cartelization (either explicit or tacit) are considered collusion because the tenet (also supported by most of the economic theory) is that, without ambiguity, it harms consumers due to the increase in prices (Kinghorn and Nielsen 2004).

  2. As Montero and Guzmán (2010) show, this is only valid for quantity-setting markets. In markets where competition is in prices, then both effects push prices upward. While most of the competition in major metals seems to take place in quantities, competition in prices for some minor metals appears as more likely. In these cases, they show that cooperation would damage unambiguously consumer surplus (as much in booms as in recessions).

  3. Montero and Guzmán (2010) contend that under certain conditions, a fringe with at least a 50% of market share is required in order to produce output-expansion during booms.

  4. Cooperation models in mineral industries had their highest peak during the 1970s, partly due to the 1973 oil embargo driven by some of the OPEC members, and mainly due to the cartelization impulse that arose in later periods to this punctual event (which lasted 6 months). Classic studies of cartels in mineral markets have been pointed out by Van Duyne (1975), Pindyck (1979), and Labys (1980), among others.

  5. Although in the literature, trigger prices or pivotal prices are used indistinctly, the first is preferred in this paper because of the idea of utilizing it in order to trigger different behaviors.

  6. When uncertainty about prices is significant, a two-trigger price mechanism can be used instead. There are examples of two-trigger price mechanisms in mineral markets. For example, the International Zinc Syndicate, which controlled zinc and lead world output before World War II created a lead cartel based precisely upon this type of two-trigger prices strategy. In fact, when prices in the London Metal Exchange were below £15 during 20 consecutive days, members would reduce their exports by 5%. Only when prices went over £16 or £17 the cartel members would sell their surpluses, acting so as price stabilizers (Hexner 1946). OPEC can be considered as an example of modern use of cooperative strategy using a two-trigger price mechanism.

  7. In the case of OPEC, for example, not all its members have the same targets. For instance, while most OPEC’s countries had subscribed a two-trigger prices mechanism of 22–26 dollars per barrel, Venezuela has claimed that the band is not satisfactory for it. In fact, Hugo Chávez during his presidency called for OPEC to consider $50 as its floor price (i.e., P C) for a barrel of oil (New York Times, June 2, 2006).

  8. OPEC could be considered for some people as a cartel where firms cooperate in booms increasing output; however, it seems doubtful that the members’ output would be lower in booms under a non-cooperative regime.

  9. Although it is possible to think that there is some stochastic element in the consumer preferences that produces demand shocks, and therefore, θ(P), the exogeneity of the demand shocks as appears to be a reasonable assumption in most mineral industries because the demand shocks are associated mainly with income shocks, which should not depend on the price of the mineral (Tilton and Guzmán 2016).

  10. Because the consumption figures are not complete for the ICC’s period of operation, it was not possible to carry out a formal test of the hypothesis that price elasticity of demand does not change with prices. Moreover, reliability of the available information is doubtful (U.S. Federal Trade Commission 1947).

  11. Price elasticity of supply is a measure used in economics to show the responsiveness of the quantity supplied to a change in its price.

  12. If a target revenue is assumed instead of a profit maximization, the price elasticity of supply is − 1, whatever the cost structure of firms is, whether or not the competitive fringe is present (Griffin 1985). While for countries producing minerals this could be the case, for the ICC, it seems more reasonable to assume a profit maximization target because of the private nature of firms involved.

  13. Conversely, when long run is considered, the price elasticity of supply should be increasing with prices.

  14. It is not difficult to show that for the fringe, Eq. (2) also describes its price elasticity of supply for the case when the fringe shares the market with strategic firms.

  15. Because of mathematical tractability, only cooperation at a monopoly level is considered in derivation. However, there is no reason for results to change if another cooperative level is chosen.

  16. In order to satisfy the assumptions of the cost functions, while parameters α and γ can be any real number, β and δ are constrained to be positives (with β ≤ δ). Finally, to obtain the desired concavity in the competitive fringe’s marginal cost curve, σ must be between 0 and 1.

  17. Simulations also show that the critical issue to get increasing distortion in the price elasticity of supply introduced by the presence of a competitive fringe is that C f ' ' '(⋅) < 0.

  18. The numerical simulation validated in most cases a U form for the cartel’s price elasticity of supply, although under certain parameters, an upward trend for any prices is obtained.

  19. Before the Second World War, two copper markets were recognized: USA and the rest of the world. The former was virtually closed by a towering tariff wall (4 cents per pound). While in the former market, producers were incapable of controlling their supply in order to get relief because the antitrust regulation (i.e., Sherman Act), in the latter, it was not the case. The ICC was permitted to operate only in the copper market outside USA, so the rest of the world is the relevant market to examine this cartel.

  20. The increase in fresh capacity outside USA between 1926 and 1932 was of 700 thousand tons (Elliot et al. 1937).

  21. The first copper cartel to set prices is recognized to have done so in Europe in 1548 (Walters 1944). In Herfindahl (1959), at least two previous cartels were identified: The Copper Export Association (1918–1923) and the Copper Exports Inc. (1926–1932). The latter controlled nearly an 85% of the world’s primary refined copper, and it was accused many times of price fixing policies. In both cases, however, the competitive fringe appears too small to promote output expansions or even the use of some trigger price strategy. Simply, whichever business cycle the industry was at, the CEI acted as expected by the traditional cartel theory, causing a rise in prices.

  22. It is interesting to note that the ICC was never reproached for charging exorbitant prices, in contrast to previous copper cartels. Indeed, in Herfindahl’s opinion (1959), the cartel did not have any significant effect on price.

  23. Officially, World War II began on September 1st. However, in August, the beginning of the conflict was imminent, and therefore, it was not possible for firms to cooperate internationally.

  24. Equivalent to 157 cents per pound (in 2008 dollars) using the CPI deflator.

  25. This is described in detail in The Annalist (August 6, 1937, p. 214) in an article entitled “Startling results of 10–12 cent copper; Producers opening many idle mines”. In fact, a list of 10 mines is provided.

  26. The belief that the cartel output was a function of copper price lagged one period was confirmed empirically, because it was the best specification in terms of adjusted R2, Akaike and Schwarz criterion (compared with other models using current prices and different lags).

  27. Equation (11) does not take into account internal friction among cartel members. This is supported because there is no indication that sanctions were ever invoked (Walters 1944). Inclusion of proxy variables to capture internal friction (the number of periods during which the cartel had been experiencing a recession or a boom) was not significant.

  28. While α 1 is associated with the cartel members’ price elasticity of supply at recession, during booms, α 1 + α 2 correspond to the price elasticity of supply.

  29. If fringe is formed by non-competitive firms but for at least one with market power, the justification of the output expansions in booms is not clear. This is because the market power of the fringe could reduce (or even eliminate) the credibility of the trigger price as a cartel policy.

  30. Walters (1944) noted that 10 cents per pound was (approximately) the marginal cost of most of the idle mines.

  31. Like the ICC supply equation, different lags of copper price were considered in the competitive fringe supply equation. Again, one lag appeared to produce the best specification. D t was tested alone in (12) to capture the opening of idle mines; however, it was not significant.

  32. Regressions using real copper price (deflated by the Consumer Price Index) were carried out; however, no qualitative (and small quantitative) changes in results were found.

  33. As a result, it is possible that the ICC had a positive impact on social welfare, specifically on consumer surplus. If, on the contrary, the trigger price chosen by the cartel members had been much higher than the “expected market price”, the cartel would have had a negative effect on consumer surplus, although even then would have acted as a price stabilizer (but at higher levels).

  34. This is not true for coal, which was a recognized energy input in some copper mines outside USA (Birchard 1940).

  35. As an anonymous reviewer pointed it out, in some industries, a storage policy can be as costly as keeping excess capacity.

  36. Coincidentally, the OPEC price band was established on the same day (March, 28), but 65 years later, as the formation of the International Copper Cartel.

  37. Moreover, as an anonymous reviewer pointed it out, specific circumstances in the 1930s could make impossible to generalize the results to current markets.

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Correspondence to Juan Ignacio Guzmán.

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The author is grateful to John Cuddington, Graham Davis, Magnus Ericsson, Juan-Pablo Montero, Margaret Slade, Raimundo Soto, John Tilton, and one anonymous reviewer for their helpful comments.

Appendix

Appendix

Proof of proposition 1

By definition of price elasticity of demand Eq. (6) can be re-written as

$$ P\left({Q}^{nc},\theta \right)\left[1-\frac{Q_s^{nc}}{n{\varepsilon}_D{Q}^{nc}}\right]-{C_s}^{\hbox{'}}\left({Q}_s^{nc}/n\right)=0 $$
(15)

Taking the derivative of Eq. (15) with respect to price P, gives

$$ \left[1-\frac{Q_s^{nc}}{n{\varepsilon}_D{Q}^{nc}}\right]+{P}^2\frac{\partial }{\partial P}\left[1-\frac{Q_s^{nc}}{n{\varepsilon}_D{Q}^{nc}}\right]-\frac{{C_s}^{\hbox{'}\hbox{'}}}{n}\frac{\partial {Q}_s^{nc}}{\partial P}=0 $$
(16)

Multiplying the last expression by \( P/{Q}_s^{nc} \), the price elasticity of supply for the strategic firms in the presence of the competitive fringe is obtained

$$ {\varepsilon}_S^s=\frac{{nC_s}^{\hbox{'}}}{Q_s^{nc}{C_s}^{\hbox{'}\hbox{'}}}+\frac{PK}{Q_s^{nc}{C_s}^{\hbox{'}\hbox{'}}{\varepsilon}_D}\left({\varepsilon}_D^s-{\varepsilon}_D\right), $$
(17)

where K is the strategic firms’ market share (i.e., \( {Q}_s^{nc}/{Q}^{nc} \)) and \( {\varepsilon}_D^s \) is the price elasticity of demand faced by the strategic firms. Because in equilibrium, it can be shown that \( {\varepsilon}_D^s=\frac{\varepsilon_D}{K}+\frac{\varepsilon_D}{K}{\varepsilon}_S^f \), the price elasticity of supply for strategic firms in the non-cooperative scenario is

$$ {\varepsilon}_S^{s, nc}=\frac{{nC_s}^{\hbox{'}}}{Q_s{C_s}^{\hbox{'}\hbox{'}}}+\frac{\varepsilon_S^{s, nc}}{n}\left(1+\frac{\varepsilon_S^f}{\varepsilon_D}\right)\frac{{C_f}^{\hbox{'}}}{{C_s}^{\hbox{'}}}\left(1-K\right) $$
(18)

Without a competitive fringe, it is not difficult to show that the former expression in the last formula is exactly the price elasticity of supply for the strategic group when no fringe is present, that is \( {\varepsilon}_S^{s, nf} \), while the latter expression corresponds to the distortion in the price elasticity of supply introduced by the competitive fringe’s presence in the non-cooperative case, \( {d}_f^{nc} \).

Finally, because in equilibrium \( P\left[1-\frac{K}{\varepsilon_Dn}\right]-{C_s}^{\hbox{'}}=0 \) and P = C f ' an alternative expression for the distortion introduced by fringe is

$$ {d}_f^{nc}=\frac{\varepsilon_S^{s, nf}}{n}\left(1+\frac{\varepsilon_S^f}{\varepsilon_D}\right)\left(\frac{{C_f}^{\hbox{'}}}{{C_s}^{\hbox{'}}}\left(1-n{\varepsilon}_D\right)+n{\varepsilon}_D\right) $$
(19)

Proof of proposition 2

In the cooperative case Eq. (10) can be re-written as

$$ P\left[1-\frac{{C_f}^{\hbox{'}\hbox{'}}{Q}_s^m}{{C_f}^{\hbox{'}\hbox{'}}{\varepsilon}_D{Q}^m+P}\right]-{C_s}^{\hbox{'}}=0 $$
(20)

Differentiation of (20) with respect to price P produces

$$ \left[1-\frac{{C_f}^{\hbox{'}\hbox{'}}{Q}_s^m}{{C_f}^{\hbox{'}\hbox{'}}{\varepsilon}_D{Q}^m+P}\right]+P\frac{\partial }{\partial P}\left[1-\frac{{C_f}^{\hbox{'}\hbox{'}}{Q}_s^m}{{C_f}^{\hbox{'}\hbox{'}}{\varepsilon}_D{Q}^m+P}\right]-\frac{{C_s}^{\hbox{'}\hbox{'}}}{n}\frac{\partial {Q}_s^m}{\partial P}=0 $$
(21)

Multiplying the last expression by \( P/{Q}_s^m \), and using the fact that \( {\varepsilon}_D^s \) is the price elasticity of demand faced by the strategic firms (see formula in Proof of Proposition 1), the price elasticity of supply for strategic firms in the cooperative scenario is

$$ {\varepsilon}_S^{s,m}=\frac{{nC_s}^{\hbox{'}}}{Q_s{C_s}^{\hbox{'}\hbox{'}}}+\frac{nP}{Q_s^m{C_s}^{\hbox{'}\hbox{'}}}\left[\frac{{C_f}^{\hbox{'}\hbox{'}}{Q}_f^m\left({\varepsilon}_D+{\varepsilon}_S^f\right)}{{C_f}^{\hbox{'}\hbox{'}}{\varepsilon}_D{Q}^m+P}+\frac{{C_f}^{\hbox{'}\hbox{'}}{C_f}^{\hbox{'}}\left({\varepsilon}_D+1\right)}{{\left({C_f}^{\hbox{'}\hbox{'}}{\varepsilon}_D{Q}^m+P\right)}^2}-\frac{{C_f}^{\hbox{'}\hbox{'}\hbox{'}}{\left({Q}_s^m\right)}^2{P}^2{\left({\varepsilon}_D\right)}^2}{{\left({C_f}^{\hbox{'}\hbox{'}}{\varepsilon}_D{Q}^m+P\right)}^3}\right], $$
(22)

The first term on the right-hand side of (20) is exactly the price elasticity of supply for the strategic group when no fringe is present, that is \( {\varepsilon}_S^{s, nf} \), while the second term represents the distortion introduced in the cartel’s price elasticity of supply by the presence of non-cartel firms, \( {d}_f^m \).

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Guzmán, J.I. The International Copper Cartel, 1935–1939: the good cartel?. Miner Econ 31, 113–125 (2018). https://doi.org/10.1007/s13563-017-0126-7

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