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Extent and Depth of Child Poverty and Deprivation in Zimbabwe: a Multidimensional Deprivation Approach

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Abstract

With recognition that poverty affects children in many ways that income-centric measures cannot demonstrate, there is increasing emphasis in multidimensional measurement of child poverty. Unfortunately, Zimbabwe has not kept pace with such important developments. This article applies a multidimensional deprivation approach to examine the extent and depth of child poverty and deprivation among children ages 5 years and below in Zimbabwe using 2015 Demographic and Health Survey data (N = 6418). Fourteen items are selected and tested for validity, reliability and additivity using robust statistical methods. Deprivation estimates are then produced at item level. Thereafter, the items are combined into a deprivation index and relevant deprivation estimates are produced. All deprivation estimates are distributed by gender and location. Results show that the commonest deprivation forms are early childhood development (78%), water (46%), healthcare (44%), sanitation (40%), shelter (30%) and nutrition (13%), respectively. The majority of deprived children in the study are deprived in two items and the least in ten or more items. However, 77% of all the children in the study are ‘absolutely poor’, that is, severely deprived of at least two items. While there are no significant share differences between male and female deprived children, all deprivations are highest in rural areas. Various policy strategies to help address these deprivations are suggested. Overall, the study contributes to the growing emphasis that child poverty is not all about income. It also highlights the importance of routine collection of better statistics to better inform anti-child poverty responses.

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Notes

  1. The ‘poor’ have “insufficient means to acquire the basic needs basket of food, shelter, clothing, health and education” (Hamdok 1999, p. 295). Characteristically, they fall below what is known as the Total Consumption Poverty Line (ZIMSTAT 2016).

  2. The ‘very poor’ are defined as those “unable to meet their basic daily nutritional requirement even if they were to allocate all their consumption expenditure to food” (Hamdok 1999, p. 295). Characteristically, they fall below what is known as the Food Poverty Line (ZIMSTAT 2016).

  3. Education for under-five children is usually defined in terms of Early Childhood Development interventions like learning through play, information and stimulation, and social-emotional functioning (Boivin and Hertzman 2012).

  4. Constitutive rights are those that denote material deprivation like lack of food, proper sanitation or safe drinking water. Instrumental rights (e.g., participation or protection) are immaterial, though they can be used to address constitutive rights. For instance, one cannot be said to be ‘poor’ because they were raped or their right to vote was violated. Constitutive rights speak better to child poverty in terms of material deprivation, while instrumental rights are more aligned to measures of child well-being (Abdu and Delamonica 2018; Jones and Sumner 2011).

  5. UNICEF produces and/or regularly updates standard indicators for various aspects of children such as health, HIV and AIDS, nutrition, education and early childhood development, protection, participation, and so on. For in-depth review, see UNICEF Statistics and Monitoring page at https://www.unicef.org/statistics/index_24296.html.

  6. There are different ways of establishing ‘suitability’. Common examples include Mack and Lansley’s (1985) consensual approach, global consensus (e.g., human rights instruments, development frameworks like SDGs and MDGs), existing research, secondary data assessment and expert opinion, among others.

  7. In Townsend’s (1987) theory, poverty is due to sustained lack of resources (including income). In operationalizing resources under the ‘Bristol Approach’, an income variable is normally used simply because it is a good proxy of (but not equal to) resources. In the absence of an income variable in DHS, this study uses two income proxies. The use of two proxies is based on the need to reduce chances of making conclusions based on ‘noisy’ measurements.

  8. Caregivers’ level of education and occupation are used to proxy income since DHS does not collect data on income. The DHS Wealth Index, which would have been an option, has been criticized for its limited theoretical and empirical basis and eugenic bias (Gordon and Nandy 2012). Education level and occupation are justified as they have been widely used in many studies to proxy income, economic status and social class (see Chaudry and Wime 2016; Bishaw 2014; Brewer and O’Dea 2012; Braveman 2010; Galobardes et al. 2006; Fields 1980).

  9. ‘Normal’ and ‘abnormal’ here are used for distinction’s and argument’s sakes and not in their strictest senses.

  10. The DHS program collects immunization data only for children ages below 2 years because this tracks reception of the required vaccines in terms of WHO standards better than when looking at children as a whole.

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  1. Centre for Research on Children and Families, McGill University School of Social Work, 3506 Rue University #300, Montréal, QC, H3A 2A7, Canada

    Anthony Shuko Musiwa

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This study was conducted with financial and material support from OPEC Fund for International Development (OFID) in Vienna, Austria, through the 2017 OFID Scholarship Annual Award (Grant No:13034GR). Access and permission to use the 2015 Zimbabwe Demographic and Health Survey for purposes of this study was granted by ICF International’s Demographic and Health Survey Program in Maryland, USA. Otherwise, I have no other conflicts of interest to disclose.

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Musiwa, A.S. Extent and Depth of Child Poverty and Deprivation in Zimbabwe: a Multidimensional Deprivation Approach. Child Ind Res 13, 885–915 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12187-019-09656-0

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