Happiness has been a fundamental concern of thinkers since ancient times, as reflected in much of Greek philosophical writings. Yet, it is only in the past four decades that happiness, or what is commonly referred to as subjective well-being (SWB),Footnote 1 has been measured and studied in a systematic way. In fact, the term “SWB” was originally coined by Larson and developed by Diener in the 1980s to describe how people evaluate their own lives, both in terms of satisfaction judgments and in terms of affective reactions. Accordingly, quite often, SWB is best understood by a tripartite model that comprises perceived life satisfaction, presence of positive affect, and absence of negative affect (Diener, 1984; Diener et al., 1999).

Due to a keen interest in understanding happiness, a central focus of research has been on determining its possible sources. Among the multiple predictors of SWB, personality has emerged as one of the most prominent (e.g., DeNeve & Cooper, 1998; Diener et al., 1999), prompting Lucas and Diener (2009) to conclude that “when studying SWB, personality matters” (p. 95). In terms of the five-factor modelFootnote 2 (FFM; Costa & McCrae, 1992), extraversion and neuroticism are often considered the two personality traits most relevant to the study of SWB, with extraversion predisposing people towards positive affect, and neuroticism predisposing people towards negative affect (e.g., DeNeve & Cooper, 1998; Steel et al., 2008; Womick & King, 2020).

Given that neuroticism has long been known as a heritable risk factor not only for diminished SWB, but also for impaired health (Friedman, 2019), it is not surprising that recent studies focus on the factors that may reduce or even protect against its negative effects (e.g., Drake et al., 2017; Sobol-Kwapinska, 2016; Yeatts et al., 2017). And yet, despite its potential as a source of happiness (e.g., Trupp et al., 2023; Wheatley & Bickerton, 2017, 2019), arts engagement has not been considered as a moderator in the neuroticism-SWB relation. Given the relative stability of neuroticism over time (Costa & McCrae, 1992), understanding the factors that influence its effects is important not only for understanding the adverse outcomes related to this trait, but also for developing happiness interventions. Based upon temperamental theories of SWB (e.g., Costa & McCrae, 1980; Watson & Clark, 1992), which emphasize the biological underpinnings of neuroticism and affect, as well as upon existing research highlighting the importance of arts engagement in promoting happiness and health throughout the life course (e.g., Wheatley & Bickerton, 2017, 2019; Zhang et al., 2017), this study examined a model in which arts attendance moderates the neuroticism-SWB relation. This model might be noteworthy, as it states that a freely chosen and self- rather than externally controlled activity, namely arts attendance, can reduce the adverse effect of a relatively stable and less controllable trait, such as neuroticism. To increase confidence in the results, that is, they are not due to chance, and taking into account that the personality-SWB relation is influenced by culture (Schimmack et al., 2002), we used data from two distinct but closely related cultures: Germany and Switzerland.

Neuroticism and SWB: what we know so far

Of the Big Five personality traits, neuroticism is the propensity to experience intense negative emotions in response to various sources of stress (Costa & McCrae, 1992), and therefore most strongly related to the experience of negative affect, which in turn results in lower levels of SWB (e.g., DeNeve & Cooper, 1998; McCrae & Costa, 1991; Steel et al., 2008; Womick & King, 2020). The meta-analysis of DeNeve and Cooper (1998), for instance, found that when personality traits were classified according to the FFM, neuroticism was the strongest predictor of life satisfaction and negative affect. Focusing exclusively on studies using well-established personality measures, Steel et al. (2008) likewise suggested neuroticism as the strongest correlate of life satisfaction. Subsequent studies provided further support for the notion that people high in neuroticism report being less happy than others (e.g., Anglim et al., 2020; Joshanloo, 2023; Suldo et al., 2015), which showed to be generalizable across cultures (e.g., Lun & Yeung, 2019; Tanksale, 2015).

Several theories of the association between personality and happiness emphasize neuroticism as a genetically-based dimension of temperament that influences SWB directly (e.g., Costa & McCrae, 1980; Watson & Clark, 1992). Evidence for a temperamental predisposition to experience high or low levels of SWB is offered by heritability studies (e.g. Weiss et al., 2008) as well as longitudinal studies demonstrating the long-term stability of affect (e.g. Watson & Walker, 1996). An analysis of 973 twin pairs by Weiss et al. (2008), for instance, revealed that the heritable differences in SWB were accounted for by genes also influencing neuroticism, extraversion, and conscientiousness. And yet, despite the considerable effort expended so far, the exact nature of the relation among neuroticism, positive activities, and SWB has remained elusive: Are there specific activities that people with high neuroticism can participate in to increase their own happiness? Are these happiness-increasing activities effective?

Arts engagement as a potential protective factor

The potential value of the arts to happiness has already been recognized within clinical fields and there is ample evidence to suggest that engagement in arts-based activities can be an important source of SWB. Indeed, positive associations between arts engagement and SWB are evident in adolescents, adults, and the elderly (e.g., Brown et al., 2015; Reyes-Martínez et al., 2021; Trupp et al., 2023; Węziak-Białowolska et al., 2019; Zhang et al., 2017). Using UK data from the Understanding Society Survey, for instance, Wheatley and Bickerton (2017) found that attending arts events–besides visiting historic sites and museums and engaging in sports–had a positive relation with life satisfaction and general happiness. Similarly, in a study among elderly people, Zhang et al. (2017) found that performing arts activities promoted women’s SWB and that people were happier when they attended a variety of activities.

Arts engagement is usually perceived as an intrinsically rewarding experience that serves the purpose of experiencing pleasure (Menninghaus et al., 2019). In a study of aesthetic preferences among naive and experienced viewers, for instance, Winston and Cupchik (1992) found that naïve viewers preferred paintings that made them feel happy and that they were convinced that this is the goal of art. But above and beyond mere pleasure, arts engagement can also elicit feelings of being moved along with feelings of nostalgia or sadness, which can lead to personal development and meaning acquisition (Menninghaus et al., 2017). Engagement in arts-based activities, thus, can not only induce cheerful states of affect, but can also be an opportunity for deeper reflection and personal growth, which suggests that there are various pathways by which arts engagement can affect our happiness (Menninghaus et al., 2017). Indeed, in a study among young adults in Austria, Trupp et al. (2023) found that those who experienced art viewing as more meaningful reported higher positive affect, in addition to less negative affect and anxiety.

The present study

Recent years have seen a burgeoning interest in understanding the role of arts engagement in SWB, with public health practitioners considering museums and art galleries as venues for health promotion interventions (Camic, 2008). Still, the question remains: Can the beneficial effects of arts attendance occur in people scoring high on neuroticism? To address this question, the present study examined whether the direction and intensity of the association between neuroticism and SWB is influenced by arts attendance using data from two nationally representative panel studies from Germany (GESIS; Bosnjak et al., 2018) and Switzerland (Swiss Household Panel; Tillmann et al., 2022).

Considering the literature discussed earlier (e.g., Reyes-Martínez et al., 2021; Trupp et al., 2023; Węziak-Białowolska et al., 2019; Wheatley & Bickerton, 2019), it was hypothesized that arts attendance would buffer the effects of neuroticism on both the cognitive and the affective components of SWB (see Fig. 1). In other words, we hypothesized that people high in neuroticism who attend the arts would be more likely to have higher scores in life satisfaction (Hypothesis 1) and positive affect (Hypothesis 2a) and lower scores in negative affect (Hypothesis 2b) compared with those high in neuroticism who do not attend the arts. By analyzing two large nationally representative samples, we were able not only to gain a deeper understanding of the beneficial effects of arts attendance in people high in neuroticism, but also to examine the consistency of the results across two distinct but closely related cultures.

Fig. 1
figure 1

Proposed model in which arts attendance moderates the relation of neuroticism to subjective well-being components

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Method

Participants and procedure

Many previous studies have relied on convenience samples rather than nationally representative ones, and thus it is unclear how sampling biases may affect the results. That is, in the present study, data from two nationally representative panel studies were used. First, we used data from three waves of the GESIS Panel; wave “aa” (2013; N = 874), wave “ba” (2014; N = 4,304), and wave “bd” (2014; N = 4,035) (see Supplemental Table A1). The GESIS panel is an ongoing, probability-based, longitudinal mixed-mode survey of German-speaking people aged 18 to 70 years who reside in Germany. The recruitment process started in 2013 with face-to-face interviews and a self-administered welcome survey. Fully operational from the beginning of 2014, the GESIS Panel comprises about 4,800 panelists. 62% of the panelists participated in the online survey, while 38% of the panelists participated in the mail survey (for further information, see Bosnjak et al., 2018). In our study, however, participants with missing values on questions regarding arts attendance were excluded from the analyses, and thus the final sample consisted of 874 participants (53.8% female, 46.2% male) aged between 18 and 70 years (M = 45.09 and SD = 14.87).

Second, we used data from two waves of the Swiss Household Panel (SHP; Tillmann et al., 2022); wave 15 (2013; Ν = 4,879) and wave 17 (2015; Ν = 4,596) (see Supplemental Table A2). The SHP is an ongoing, large-scale, longitudinal survey among a probability-based sample of the Swiss population living in private households and carried out by the Swiss Center of Expertise in the Social Sciences FORS. The project was financed by the Swiss National Science Foundation. The SHP was initiated in 1999 with 7,799 participants aged 14 years and older and is annually collected via telephone interviews from September until February. Respondents who did not participate in the data collection in wave 15 were excluded from the analyses, and thus the sample used in this study was composed of 6,336 participants (54.7% female, 45.3% male) aged between 14 and 98 years (M = 48.26 and SD = 18.91).

Measures

Arts attendance

In the GESIS Panel, arts attendance was assessed with a single question in wave “aa”:Footnote 3 How many times in the last twelve months have you done or visited the following cultural and recreational activities: (1) cabaret or comedy shows; (2) craft markets; (3) cinemas; (4) theater; (5) ballet, a dance performance, or an opera; (6) art museums; (7) concerts with classical music; (8) concerts with pop, rock, hip-hop or electronic music; or (9) concerts with folk music? The set of possible answers was as follows: 1 = not at all in the past 12 months; 2 = once a year; 3 = several times a year; 4 = at least once a month; and 5 = at least once a week.Footnote 4

In the SHP, arts attendance was assessed with a single question in wave 15:3 How frequently do you: (1) go to the cinema; (2) go to the theater; (3) read books; (4) go to the opera or classical concerts; or (5) visit museums and galleries? The set of possible answers was as follows: 1 = never; 2 = less than once a month; 3 = at least once a month; 4 = at least once a week; and 5 = every day.4

Neuroticism

In the GESIS Panel, personality was measured with the Big-Five Inventory-10 (BFI-10; Rammstedt & John, 2007). The neuroticism subscale contained 2 items: “I am relaxed, can deal well with stress” and “I easily become nervous and insecure (reverse-coded).” Responses were given on a 5-point scale ranging from 1 (does not apply at all) to 5 (fully applies) in wave “bd.”

In the SHP, personality was measured with the Big-Five Inventory-15 (BFI-15; Gerlitz & Schupp, 2005). The neuroticism subscale contained 3 items: “I see myself as someone who worries a lot,” “I see myself as someone who remains calm in tense situations (reverse-coded),” and “I see myself as someone who gets nervous easily.” Responses were given on a scale ranging from 0 (disagree strongly) to 10 (agree strongly) in wave 17.

SWB

In the GESIS Panel, the cognitive component of SWB was assessed with a single question: All things considered, how satisfied are you with your current life? Responses were given on a scale ranging from 0 (extremely unsatisfied) to 10 (extremely satisfied) in wave “ba.” The affective component of SWB was assessed with eight different affective states experienced during the last seven days (depressed, exhausted, restless sleep, happy, lonely, enjoyed life, sadness, could not get going). Responses were given on a scale ranging from 0 (never) to 6 (always) in wave “ba.” The positive items and the negative items were separately averaged to obtain separate scores for positive and negative affect.

In the SHP, life satisfaction was assessed with a single question: In general, how satisfied are you with your life? Responses were given on a scale ranging from 0 (not at all satisfied) to 10 (completely satisfied). The affective component of SWB was assessed with the following questions: “Do you often have negative feelings such as having the blues, being desperate, suffering from anxiety or depression?” and “Are you often full of strength, energy and optimism?” Respondents indicated their answer on a scale ranging from 0 (never) to 6 (always). We used data from the same wave in which arts attendance was assessed.

Control variables

A set of control variables, already established in previous research as contributing to or influencing SWB (Diener et al., 1999), was used in the analysis. Specifically, the analysis accounted for biological sex (0 = men; 1 = women), age (in years), educational attainment (0 = no university entrance certification; 1 = university entrance certification), personal income (in the GESIS Panel personal net income was measured with 15 categories [1 = up to €300, 2 = €300 to €500, …], but we calculated a new variable by using the midpoints of the categories and the lower limit of the last category as estimates [Yu et al., 2020]; in SHP personal net income was measured in CHF, logarithmized), and marital status (0 = single/not married; 1 = married).

Data analysis

Instead of testing the proposed moderation effect of arts attendance for each different form of art, we used principal component analysis in order to reduce the variables. In fact, factor analytic methods are widely used to uncover patterns of engagement in arts-based activities (e.g. Martin et al., 2012). Thus, two separate principal component analyses with oblique (promax) rotation were conducted on both the German and Swiss data to assess if there were any underlying patterns of arts attendance. We evaluated the suitability of the sample for factor analysis with the Kaiser-Meyer-Olkin (KMO) measure of sampling adequacy and the Bartlett’s test of sphericity. Only factors with eigenvalues of 1 or greater and item loadings above 0.40 were retained. Internal consistency of all measures was assessed with Cronbach’s α coefficient.

Descriptive statistics and correlations were calculated for all variables of interest. Due to the large sample sizes, when interpreting the correlation results we placed greater emphasis on effect sizes and less emphasis on the statistical significance. The moderation effect of arts attendance on the neuroticism-SWB relation was evaluated via multiple regression analysis by including an interaction term between neuroticism and the arts attendance variables. Prior to the computation of the interaction terms, the predictors and moderators were mean-centered. In both samples, we tested three Models, one for each SWB component, while controlling for socio-demographics. In addition, we examined structure coefficients and performed commonality analyses. Squared structure coefficients (rs2) indicate how much of the variance accounted for R2 is explained by each predictor and commonality analysis decomposes the variance accounted for in the regression analysis into unique and common effects. Unique effects indicate how much variance is uniquely accounted for by a single predictor (the unique variance explained is equivalent to the change in R2 when the predictor is added in a hierarchical regression), whereas common effects indicate how much variance explained is shared with other predictors. Finally, moderation graphs were also plotted to facilitate the interpretation of interaction effects (Aiken & West, 1991).

Results

The structure underlying patterns of arts attendance

For the German data, the KMO coefficient value was above the recommended value of 0.60 (KMO = 0.77) and the Bartlett’s test of sphericity was significant, χ2(779) = 1,073.37, p < .001. Applying the Kaiser-Guttman rule and the scree test, the analysis yielded two components that accounted for 50% of the total variance (see Supplemental Table B1). Concerts with pop and folk music failed to load above 0.40 on any of the components. The first component, labeled “classical arts,” was defined by (7) classical music concerts, (5) opera and ballet, (6) art museums and art exhibitions, (4) theater, and (2) craft markets, explaining 34% of the variance. The second component, “popular arts,” was defined by (8) concerts with pop, rock, hip hop, and electronic music, (3) cinemas, and (1) cabaret and comedy, explaining 16% of the variance.

For the Swiss data, the KMO coefficient value was 0.72 and the Bartlett’s test of sphericity was significant, χ2(10) = 3,693.13, p < .001. Applying the Kaiser-Guttman rule and the scree test, the analysis yielded one component that accounted for 42% of the total variance (see Supplemental Table B2). This factor, labeled “arts attendance,” was defined by (1) cinema; (2) theater; (3) books; (4) opera or classical concerts; and (5) museums and galleries.

Preliminary analyses

Descriptive statistics and reliability coefficients for the variables used in the present study are featured in Tables 1 and 2. In both samples, neuroticism was negatively correlated with life satisfaction (r = –.23, p < .01 and r = –.25, p < .01 for the German and Swiss sample, respectively) and positive affect (r = –.24, p < .01 and r = –.25, p < .01 for the German and Swiss sample, respectively), and positively correlated with negative affect (r = .29, p < .01 and r = .47, p < .01 for the German and Swiss sample, respectively). In the German sample, classical arts attendance was positively correlated with life satisfaction (r = .07, p < .05) and negatively correlated with negative affect (r = –.10, p < .01), whereas popular arts attendance was positively correlated with positive affect (r = .09, p < .01). In the Swiss sample, arts attendance was positively correlated with life satisfaction (r = .06, p < .01). But it should be noted that the effect sizes of the obtained correlations were small (r < .30; Cohen, 1988), a finding similar to that observed in previous studies (e.g. Hand, 2018).

Table 1 Descriptive statistics, reliabilities, and correlations of the examined variables for the German sample
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Table 2 Descriptive statistics, reliabilities, and correlations of the examined variables for the Swiss sample
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Primary analyses

In the German sample, results of commonality analyses showed that marital status and neuroticism explained most of the variance of life satisfaction (26.0% and 57.2% of the explained variance, respectively), with married people and people scoring low in neuroticism reporting higher levels of life satisfaction than single people and those high in neuroticism (overall, the regression model explained about 8.6% of the variance [R² = 0.086] of SWB). As featured in Table 3, the neuroticism × classical arts attendance interaction term did not significantly predict life satisfaction, β = 0.003, t = 0.07, p = .94, whereas the neuroticism × popular attendance interaction term, on the contrary, was significant, β = 0.093, t = 2.17, p = .031, providing partial support for H1. However, of the significant predictors it had the smallest unique contribution to R2 (0.0078), compared to marital status (0.0157) and neuroticism (0.0419), and accounted for 14.82% of R2. As can be seen in Fig. 2, people high in neuroticism who attended popular arts more often (1 SD above the mean of popular arts attendance) experienced higher life satisfaction than people high in neuroticism who attended popular arts less often (1 SD below the mean of popular arts attendance). In Model 2, where positive affect was the criterion variable, marital status, neuroticism, and popular arts attendance emerged as significant predictors, with neuroticism accounting for the largest amount of R2 (62.3%, overall, the regression model explained about 7.8% of the variance). Although the neuroticism × classical arts attendance interaction term did not significantly predict positive affect, β = 0.048, t = 1.11, p = .27, the neuroticism × popular attendance interaction term was significant, β = 0.094, t = 2.17, p = .030, providing partial support for H2a. It was, however, one of the weakest predictors of positive affect and accounted for a small amount of R2 (11.81%). As depicted in Fig. 1, the negative relation between neuroticism and positive affect was weaker for people attending popular arts more often (1 SD above the mean of popular arts attendance) than for people attending popular arts less often (1 SD below the mean of popular arts attendance). When negative affect was the criterion variable, only marital status and neuroticism emerged as significant predictors (overall, the regression model explained about 12.7% of the variance); neuroticism had the largest unique contribution to R2 (0.082) compared to marital status (0.028) and accounted for the largest amount of R2 (64.74%). The interaction terms between neuroticism and classical arts attendance and between neuroticism and popular arts attendance were not significant, β = –0.025, t = –0.59, p = .030 and β = –0.047, t = − 1.12, p = .265, accordingly, and thus H2b was not supported.

Table 3 Results of commonality analyses examining the moderating effect of arts attendance on the relation between neuroticism and SWB for the German sample
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Fig. 2
figure 2

Neuroticism as a function of popular arts attendance. The interaction predicts life satisfaction (left) and positive affect (right). The slope indicates that as neuroticism decreases, life satisfaction and positive affect also decrease. The slope, however, is increased as the level of popular arts attendance increases

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In the Swiss sample, regression analysis revealed that both age and education were related to life satisfaction, with older people and less educated people reporting higher levels of life satisfaction than younger people and more educated people (see Table 4). Neuroticism was the strongest negative predictor of life satisfaction and accounted for the largest amount of R2 (76.9%). The neuroticism × arts attendance interaction term, although it accounted for a small amount of R2 (2.95%), was significant, β = 0.045, t = 2.69, p < .01, supporting H1 (see Table 4; overall, the regression model explained about 7.5% of the variance). As indicated in Fig. 3, the negative relation between neuroticism and life satisfaction was weaker for people attending the arts more often (1 SD above the mean of arts attendance) than people attending the arts less often (1 SD below the mean of arts attendance). When positive affect was the criterion variable, education and neuroticism emerged as significant predictors, with less educated people and those low in neuroticism reporting higher levels of positive affect than more educated people and people high in neuroticism. Again, neuroticism had the largest unique contribution to R2 (0.054) and accounted for the largest amount of R2 (91.23%; overall, the regression model explained about 5.9% of the variance). The neuroticism × arts attendance interaction term was not significant, and thus H2a was not supported. In Model 3, with negative affect as the criterion variable, only gender and neuroticism emerged as significant predictors, with neuroticism accounting for the largest amount of R2 (98.68%; overall, the regression model explained about 23.5% of the variance). The interaction term between neuroticism and negative affect was not found to be significant, and thus H2b was not supported.

Table 4 Summary of commonality analyses examining the moderating effect of arts attendance on the relation between neuroticism and SWB for the Swiss sample
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Fig. 3
figure 3

Neuroticism as a function of arts attendance. The interaction predicts life satisfaction. The slope indicates that as neuroticism decreases, life satisfaction also decreases. The slope, however, is increased as the level of arts attendance increases

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Discussion

Neuroticism is a personality trait of profound public health significance, mainly because it is associated with reduced happiness and impaired health (Friedman, 2019). And yet, despite heightened awareness about the potential benefits of arts engagement, knowledge gaps persist concerning the conditions–when and for whom–under which these beneficial effects are most likely to occur. Using data from two nationally representative panel studies from Germany and Switzerland, the present study set out to fill the aforementioned gap by examining whether arts attendance can buffer the effects of neuroticism on both the cognitive and affective components of SWB. In general, our findings support previous research indicating the vital role of neuroticism in diminishing happiness–being in all the analyses the important predictor of the criterion variable–(e.g., Anglim et al., 2020; Steel et al., 2008) and extend it by providing evidence on the importance of arts attendance as a protective factor for life satisfaction and positive affect in people high in neuroticism. Through arts engagement people can experience a broad range of distinct positive emotions, ranging from pleasure and excitement to contentment and gratitude, as well as a sense of belonging that are useful in counteracting negative cognitions (Totterdell & Poerio, 2021), and this appears to be even more beneficial for people with higher levels of neuroticism.

In both the German and Swiss samples, neuroticism was negatively related to life satisfaction and positive affect and positively related to negative affect, supporting previous research findings (e.g., Anglim et al., 2020; Steel et al., 2008; Suldo et al., 2015; Tanksale, 2015); the higher people score on neuroticism, the more likely they are to experience low levels of satisfaction with life as well as few pleasant and many unpleasant emotions. Neuroticism, in fact, represents a temperamental disposition to frequently experience and respond negatively to stressful life events (McCrae & Costa, 1991; Watson & Clark, 1992), which in turn can jeopardize happiness. That is, viewing life through a distorted lens, dwelling on negative thoughts, and emphasizing negative emotions translate into lower levels of SWB.

The negative effect of neuroticism on life satisfaction, however, was moderated by popular arts attendance, providing partial support for H1. But we should note that the interaction term explained only a small proportion of the variance. Similar results were obtained for the Swiss sample, where arts attendance acted as a protective factor against the effect of neuroticism on life satisfaction. In a study using data from the Understanding Society, Węziak-Białowolska et al. (2019) similarly found a buffering effect of arts attendance on the effect of neuroticism on life satisfaction. The positive experience derived from arts attendance may therefore lead to a reduction in the frequency of negative cognitions, thereby buffering feelings of stress, tension, and worry. Indeed, previous research has shown that there are various pathways by which arts engagement can enhance life satisfaction, including, but certainly not limited to, needs gratification, stress reduction, and social interaction (e.g., Brown et al., 2015; Totterdell & Poerio, 2021). It should be noted, however, that classical arts attendance (e.g., classical concerts, opera, art museums, and theater) was not found to moderate the relation between neuroticism and life satisfaction in the German sample; the beneficial effects of arts attendance may therefore depend on the type of art-based activities involved. Although arts engagement is widely believed to be driven by hedonic expectations, classical music, drama, opera, and other forms of classical arts may often elicit mixed feelings through which people comprehend existence and find meaning in it (Menninghaus et al., 2017, 2019). It is possible, thus, that engagement in some arts-based activities can give rise to eudaimonic happiness–meaning and purpose in life,–and so it does seem appropriate to explore whether mixed-affective experiences serve important functions for psychological well-being.

Confirming in part H2a, commonality analyses showed that popular arts attendance served as a moderator of the relation between neuroticism and positive affect in the German sample, but not in the Swiss sample. This finding may not be surprising, considering that in the German sample positive affect was assessed with currently experienced affective states, whereas in the Swiss sample it was measured with two questions related to general positive affect; that is, arts attendance may provide short-term but not long-term affective benefits in people high in neuroticism. This finding corroborates the study of Węziak-Białowolska (2016), where long-term well-being did not significantly improve as a result of arts engagement. Considering additionally the relatively small proportion of the variance contributed by the significant interaction term, it is imperative that researchers examine whether arts attendance has the potential to buffer the effect of neuroticism on the affective component of SWB using measures of both short- and long-term affect. In contrast to H2b, the analyses revealed that the effect of neuroticism on negative affect was not moderated by arts attendance, a finding consistent across the two samples. This finding may be explained in terms of temperamental theories (e.g., Costa & McCrae, 1980; Watson & Clark, 1992), which emphasize the biological underpinnings of affect and personality; that is, people high in neuroticism report more negative affect in all situations and react more strongly to negative situations than people low in neuroticism. In three daily diary studies, for instance, Howell and Rodzon (2011) found that neuroticism positively predicted negative affect even after controlling for the normative enjoyment and stressfulness of daily activities.

Limitations and future research

The present study offered new insights into the beneficial effects of arts attendance in people high in neuroticism, yet a number of limitations should be considered when interpreting its findings. The non-experimental nature of this study, for instance, does not allow drawing causal conclusions; that is, intervention studies should be designed to clarify the causal relations between variables. It is also possible that happiness contributes to greater arts attendance and that this relation is bidirectional. It is also worth noting that although data employed in this study came from two nationally representative panel studies, there is evidence that culture moderates the relation between personality and SWB (e.g. Schimmack et al., 2002). In future research, therefore, a wider sample of similar size from different countries would be preferable to help generalize the present findings. A further limitation is that the study relied on self-report measures of SWB, and this may not yield a complete picture of this construct. We also note that the neuroticism subscale of the BFI-10 (Rammstedt & John, 2007) indicated low reliability. Cronbach’s alpha, however, partly depends on the number of items in the scale (Streiner, 2003), which might also explain the low reliability for popular arts attendance subscale. To overcome these limitations, future studies could include both self-report and behaviorally-based measures of SWB, such as sleep disturbances, alcohol consumption, and lack of appetite, as well as longer measures of personality. Apart from that, subsequent research could also include both single- and multiple-item measures of SWB to maximize the generalizability of findings, although single-item measures can often be as valid and reliable as their multi-item counterparts (Allen et al., 2022). It would also be useful for future research to consider whether and how engagement in other arts-based activities, such as visiting online art galleries and museums, attending film or literary festivals, and reading poetry, which due to data availability were not investigated in this study, can affect the neuroticism-SWB relation.

Conclusion

The present study, despite its limitations, expanded on previous research findings by providing preliminary insights into the beneficial effects of arts attendance on life satisfaction and positive affect in people high in neuroticism, a finding that might provide a foundation for further research on the potential value of the arts on our happiness. For instance, this study questioned whether people high in neuroticism benefit from arts attendance, yet, as far as we are concerned, there is no evidence for whether it can lead to lasting changes in SWB. In the German sample, popular arts attendance was found to be more beneficial for the SWB of people high in neuroticism than classical arts attendance. Considering that engagement in arts-based activities may be pleasurable, transformative, and socially meaningful as well, much remains to be learned about how, when, and for whom they can increase SWB. But beyond research, the findings of this study might also have useful implications for health promotion. In fact, arts engagement in relation to health and SWB is particularly important, partly because it is freely chosen and more under personal control than many other sources of happiness (Brown et al., 2015). For policymakers, arts engagement may be a pathway toward improved life satisfaction, people’s development across the life span, and hence increased happiness. Promoting engagement in a variety of arts-based activities may therefore assist in the prevention and management of the adverse effect of neuroticism and other stress-related traits, such as pessimism, on life satisfaction.