Abstract
International human rights law and international humanitarian law (IHL) contain few obligations for rebel groups, yet those groups are nonetheless under pressure to comply with their foundational international norms. This case study of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) analyzes the evolution of its discourse and behavior related to human rights and IHL. It then compares changes in the group’s discourse to evidence of changes in behavior. The study finds that the KLA does significantly change its language, gradually incorporating such language over time, but it also demonstrates that this change is not accompanied by improvements in human rights and IHL adherence in its behavior. The study considers whether greater adoption of these norms is better explained by a constructivist or a rationalist approach and, in particular, looks at the role of legitimacy. In addition, it offers insight into how groups may respond to future pressure to follow these norms.
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Notes
The KLA was known locally as the Ushtria Çlirimtare e Kosovës (UÇK) and was active until its official dissolution in September 1999 (ICG 2000). This research looks at the discourse of the KLA from its inception through to the end of the conflict in June 1999.
The former Yugoslavia, a federation of six republics: Serbia, Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia, and Montenegro, dissolved in 1992, as the former republics declared independence, leading to the Balkan Wars of the 1990s. Kosovo was an autonomous province within the Republic of Serbia rather than a separate republic, and its path to independence was less clear. For more on the history and wars in the Balkans, see, among many, Campbell (1998) and Glenny (2017). For more on the history of Kosovo and the path to violence, see Malcolm (1998), Vickers (1998), Maliqi (1998), and Mertus (1999).
Following the NATO intervention, Kosovo remained under UN administration under the United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK), until independence was declared in 2008.
The foundation principles of IHL are the distinction between civilians and combatants, the prohibition on attacking those not directly involved in hostilities, and the principles of necessity and proportionality (for more detail, see, for example, Fleck (2021)).
This refers to the Geneva Conventions of 1949. For the list of signatories, see the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) database (accessible at: https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/state-parties?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries).
A non-international armed conflict is an armed conflict within a state and may involve the forces of the state and a non-state actor, or two or more armed groups. For the application of customary law to non-state actors see, for example, the ICRC Customary IHL Database (ICRC CIHL Database), https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/customary-ihl/eng/docs/home; (Reinisch 2005, 46); or (Sivakumaran 2006).
Common Article 3 does not, however, include enforcement mechanisms, but in the case of Kosovo, the ICTY affirmed that violations of Common Article 3 does fall within its jurisdiction. See UNSC S/RES/827. There are other limitations as well: first, these laws apply only in times of conflict; second, they predominantly consist of rules relating to the conduct of parties during hostilities and contain negative obligations relating to the treatment of civilians rather than positive obligations; and third, it is unclear whether the armed group can take steps to enforce the rule of law in the areas within their control (Murray 2016, 11–12).
For debate on armed groups and human rights, see, among others, Rodley (1993), Moir (2000, 45), and Zegveld (2002, 53) for the contra position, and those arguing for Alston (2005), Clapham (2006, 271–299), Constantinides (2010), Sivakumaran (2012, 95–100), Murray (2016), Fortin (2017), and Clapham (2019).
The resolution called on Liberian factions to “respect the human rights of the civilian population and to respect international humanitarian law.” (Constantinides 2010).
For example, UNSC and UNGA have made frequent calls to rebel groups to uphold human rights and humanitarian law, particularly when groups exercise de facto control over territory, or are acting with a state-like capacity. See the analysis in Program on International Law and Armed Conflict (PILAC), which found that between 1948 and 2017, 125 resolutions of the Security Council, and 65 resolutions of the GA dealt with the human rights responsibilities of armed non-State actors (PILAC 2017).
For child soldier recruitment, see, for example, UNSC Resolution 1261. For torture, see UN Report of the Special Rapporteur on torture and other cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment on his visit to Ukraine, A/HRC/40/59/Add.3, 17 January 2019, para 122.
Several reasons for why have been suggested by scholars and include the difficulty in agreeing on when the threshold of conflict has been reached and the resultant confusion over which body of law to apply (Tomuschat 2010), and the tendency of recent treaties to draw from both IHRL and IHL (Droege 2007).
For an overview of this development, see Sikkink (2011).
For more on the impact of the ICTY, see Orentlicher (2018).
These actors are on trial for their actions as leading members of the KLA between 1998 and 1999. In December 2022, one former KLA leader, Salih Mustafa, was sentenced to 26 years in prison for war crimes at the Kosovo Specialist Court (Reuters 2022). For more detail on the activities of the Kosovo Specialist Court, see the Annual Report 2021.
Scholars have explored, for example, how norms are transmitted between states (Finnemore 1996), how IHL norms alter states’ use of weapons (Price 2008), or how norms evolve (Finnemore 2003). Much of this research focuses on states, rather than non-state actors. Exceptions include Clark’s study Amnesty International’s impact on discourse surrounding human rights (Clark 2001). Recent scholarship has focused on the contestation of norms (see, for example Deitelhoff (2020)).
Recent research regarding rebel groups bridges this discussion by focusing on the desire for building legitimacy using norms. See, for example, Jo’s argument about rebel groups’ incentives to comply with international laws and norms (Jo 2015; Jo and Alley 2017) and rebel groups seeing the importance of appealing to outside actors through the use of the IHL framework (Stanton 2020).
The KLA participated in political violence after June 1999; however, this research focuses on the period in which the KLA was fighting Serbian forces directly.
From the 1960s onwards, small, clandestine, illegal groups were formed to resist the rule from Belgrade. These included organizations such as the Revolutionary Movement for the Unification of Albanians (LRBSH), founded by Adem Demaci in the mid-60's, and later groups such as the People’s Movement for a Republic of Kosova (LPRK) (which became the People’s Movement of Kosova (LPK)) (Lipsuis 1998). For more detail on the student protests, see Hetemi (2020); and for more on the rise of Albanian resistance, see Maliqi (1996).
What began as students’ protests over food and living conditions spread to the urban population and miners demanding broader political rights (Malcolm 1998, 334). Thousands of troops responded and as many as 300 died (Amnesty International 1985, 12). Demonstrators experienced harsh and lengthy prison terms and were primed to join the resistance upon release (Perritt 2008, 23). Others fled abroad joining tightly-knit Albanian communities in Germany and Switzerland and forming a network based on friendships and family connections, a key source for the KLA a decade later (Bekaj 2010).
The human rights violations in Kosovo were documented by international human rights groups, such as Human Rights Watch (which published 18 reports on the human rights situation in Kosovo between 1990 and 2000), Amnesty International, and Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia, as well as local human rights organizations, The Council for the Defense of Human Rights and Freedoms and Kosovo Helsinki Committee for Human Rights.
Drawn from the KLA’s press releases from 1995 and 1996.
By the summer of 1998 all Serbian forces, which included military, police, and militia units, numbered as many as 50,000 troops (SIPRI 1999).
UN Security Council Resolution 1199, September 23, 1998. Acting under Chapter VII of the UN Charter, the Security Council members demanded that all parties cease hostilities immediately and take steps to improve the humanitarian situation on the ground. They called upon the Serbian and Albanian parties to enter immediately into a dialog on a negotiated political solution.
The Rambouillet Accords were a brokered peace deal drafted by NATO and signed on March 18, 1999, by Kosovo Albanian, American, and British delegations but not by their Serbian or Russian counterparts. The refusal of the Serbian delegates to sign led to the bombing campaign. The Kosovar delegation included among others, LDK leader Rugova as well as three members of the KLA (Wille 2019).
The UN SC issued UNSC Resolution 1244 UNSC authorizing the deployment of troops in Kosovo on June 10.
While the KLA also gave interviews to foreign news outlets, particularly toward the end of the war, the foreign press may be likely to frame events through a human rights lens (see, for example, Ramos et al. (2007)). For this reason, Albanian language newspapers where the text of the KLA speakers or their printed documents themselves were used.
A full list of the documents is provided in Appendix 1.
Before and during the war, Serbian authorities restricted much of the freedom of the press in Kosovo and had shuttered most Albanian language news outlets in Kosovo (HRW 1994). In addition, press outlets in Prishtina favored the LDK so it was challenging for the KLA to get the word out to the public (Perritt 2008, 25).
In all, there are only five references to torture specifically, which was less than 2% of the human rights mentions.
It should be noted that the speakers themselves, as members of the KLA, were not highly versed in international law and were using the language of these norms in their discourse, sometimes conflating two bodies of law, as best as they could. In addition, from 1995 through part of 1998, the violence in Kosovo was not considered to be of an intensity that would qualify it as a non-international conflict under IHL.
See the Humanitarian Law Center in Kosovo: https://hlc-kosovo.org/en/publications. Note: references made in Serbian newspapers were not included because of likely bias.
See, for example, problems encountered by HRW in documenting events in Kosovo during the war (HRW 2001, 417).
The local human rights organization, the Council for the Defense of Human Rights and Freedoms, had chapters in most cities and collected reports from persons on the ground throughout the conflict, per author interview, October 2010.
Despite having a wide pool of sources, it is worth noting that not every account can be verified, and that some of these reports may be misattributed to the KLA.
The ICTY only convicted six former senior Serb officials and one former KLA member.
For more on on-going cases, see https://www.scp-ks.org/en/cases.
Human rights mentions include references to general human rights, human rights conventions, and mentions of specific human rights such as the right to life, torture, arbitrary arrest, and detention; economic, social, and cultural rights; and genocide.
IHL mentions include references to IHL in general, specific mentions of IHL conventions, protection of civilians, harm to civilians, treatment of prisoners, rules for occupying forces, and destruction of cultural artifacts.
The first communiqué distributed in this fashion was numbered Communiqué 13. Communiqués 1–12 were distributed internally.
See, for example, transcripts for the case against Ramush Haradinaj, the KLA commander of the Dukagjini zone, http://www.icty.org/case/haradinaj/4.
From author interviews with former KLA members Rame Buja, Jakup Krasniqi, and Ardian Gjini, Pristina, Kosovo, 2010.
The seven zones were Drenica in Central Kosovo, Llap in northeast, Dukagjini in southwest, Shala in north, Pastriku in south, and Nerodima in the south-central area (Krasniqi 2006). In June 1998, the KLA established a political wing and established brigades and battalions in each zone (Perritt 2008, 71). In November, it underwent further reorganization, with the introduction of nine departments (Krasniqi 2006).
Interview with Stephanie Blair, Deputy Director of Human Rights, OSCE-KVM, August 2013.
Ibid.
For example, on October 18, 1998, the KLA references a UNSC Resolution: “Yugoslav President Milosevic and his murderous regime are not only not fulfilling their obligations under the UN Security Council resolution, but have brought in new military and police reinforcements and deployed them in various parts of Kosova.” Communique 60, October 18, 1998, BBC Monitoring Europe.
It is unclear what peace conventions might be, but it is possible that what is meant is human rights laws.
While Serbia disputed this claim initially, stating matters in Kosovo were an internal dispute with “terrorists” attacks, the ICTY did begin investigations in 1999. See website of the ICTY History https://www.icty.org/en/about/office-of-the-prosecutor/history
Interview with Valon Murati, Prishtina, Kosovo, October 2010.
Interview with Rexhep Selimi, Pristina, Kosovo, October 2010.
HRW had meetings with senior members of the KLA during this period (HRW 2001).
In meetings with HRW, two senior KLA members, Hashim Thaci and Fatmir Limaj, informed HRW that they had an internal code of conduct and said that there were disciplinary measures in place for KLA members who violated that code. (HRW 2002, 102).
Interview with P, a KLA soldier active in both Drenica and Llapi zones, October 2010.
Source is from the (ICTY 2009).
As reported by the ICRC “ICRC Aid for Conflict Victims,” ICRC News 98/30, July 29, 1998 and in UNSC report /1999/293.
See, for example Communiqué 45, March 11, 1998, Political Declaration Number 7, August 13, 1998, Communiqué 37, October 23, 1997 referenced above.
See, for example, the release of prisoners detailed in HRW 1998a; Koha Ditore January 1999 and UN Doc S/1999/293 referenced above.
For evidence of behavior change, see interviews with Kurti and Buja in January 1999 above.
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Part of this article was revised and expanded from a portion of a chapter in my dissertation, “International Norm Echoing in Rebel Groups: The Cases of the Kosovo Liberation Army and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam.” This dissertation is available on CUNY Academic Works: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1259&context=gc_etds.
Appendix 1. Source documents
Appendix 1. Source documents
KLA Press releases and political declarations
“Communiqué 13.” June 1, 1995.
“Communiqué 16 [sic, but should be 61].” Arta, October 31, 1998.
“Communiqué 18.” Zeri I Kosoves, February 22, 1996.
“Communiqué 19.” Zeri I Kosoves, May 1, 1996.
“Communiqué 20.” Zeri I Kosoves, June 27, 1996.
“Communiqué 21.” July 14, 1996.
“Communiqué 22.” Bota Sot, August 10, 1996.
“Communiqué 24.” Zeri I Kosoves, August 30, 1996.
“Communiqué 26.” Zeri I Kosoves, October 10, 1996.
“Communiqué 27.” Zeri I Kosoves, October 27, 1996.
“Communiqué 28.” Zeri I Kosoves, January 16, 1997.
“Communiqué 29.” Zeri I Kosoves, January 23, 1997.
“Communiqué 30.” Zeri I Kosoves, February 6, 1997.
“Communiqué 32.” Zeri I Kosoves, April 3, 1997.
“Communiqué 33.” Kosovo Daily Report, May 20, 1997.
“Communiqué 35.” Koha Ditore, August 8, 1997.
“Communiqué 36.” Zeri I Kosoves, September 18, 1997.
“Communiqué 37.” Zeri I Kosoves, October 23, 1997.
“Communiqué 38.” Kosovo Daily Report, October 20, 1997.
“Communiqué 38.” Zeri I Kosoves, November 7, 1997.
“Communiqué 39.” Zeri I Kosoves, November 20, 1997.
“Communiqué 40.” Bujku, December 3, 1997.
“Communiqué 40.” Zeri I Kosoves, December 11, 1997.
“Communiqué 41.” Bujku, January 8, 1998.
“Communiqué 42.” Zeri I Kosoves, March 5, 1998.
“Communiqué 43.” Bujku, March 4, 1998.
“Communiqué 44.” Zeri I Kosoves, March 12, 1998.
“Communiqué 45.” Bujku, March 11, 1998.
“Communiqué 46.” Zeri I Kosoves, March 26, 1998.
“Communiqué 47.” Koha Ditore, May 13, 1998.
“Communiqué 48.” Koha Ditore, June 20, 1998.
“Communiqué 51.” Albanian TV Tirana, August 26, 1998.
“Communiqué 53 from KLA HQ.” September 18, 1998.
“Communiqué 55.” Koha Ditore, September 24, 1998.
“Communiqué 56.” Koha Ditore, September 29, 1998.
“Communiqué 57.” Arta, October 1, 1998.
“Communiqué 60.” Albanian TV Tirana, October 18, 1998.
“Communiqué 62.” Albanian TV Tirana, November 14, 1998.
“Communiqué 65 from KLA HQ.” December 18, 1998.
“Communiqué 66 from KLA HQ.” December 24, 1998.
“Communiqué 67.” Albanian TV Tirana, December 26, 1998.
“Communiqué 68: Fillojne punen agjencia informative "Kosova Press" dhe radiostacioni " Kosova e lire.” Koha Ditore, January 3, 1999.
“Communiqué 69 / 70.” Albanian TV Tirana, January 16, 1999.
“Communiqué 71 e UCK-se.” Koha Ditore, January 26, 1999.
“Communiqué 75: Shtabi I Pergjithshem I UCK-se caktoi Kryeministrin e Qeverise se perkohshme te Kosoves.” Koha Ditore, February 28, 1999.
“Communiqué 76.” Kosovapress, March 11, 1999.
“Communiqué 77.” Kosovapress, March 20, 1999.
“Communiqué 78.” Kosovapress, May 16, 1999.
“Communiqué 79.” Kosovapress, May 26, 1999.
“Communiqué: Shtabi I pergjithshem nuk eshte konsultuar per formimin e qeverise.” February 24, 1999.
“Declaration of Jakup Krasniqi.” RFK, February 3, 1999.
“Deklarate Politike nr. 4.” March 22, 1998.
“Deklarate Politike nr. 7.” August 13, 1998.
“Deklarate Politike nr. 23.” January 17, 1999.
“Deklarate nr. 26: Beogradi edhe nje here deshmoi se nuk eshte per zgjidhje paqesore.” Kosovapress, February 6, 1999.
“Deklarate Politike nr. 29 Asnje marreveshje ne dem te pavaresise se Kosoves.” Kosova Sot, February 7, 1998.
“Deklarate Politike nr. 30: UCK-ja nuk e ka nderruar kerkesen per pavaresi.” Koha Ditore, February 8, 1999.
“Deklarate Politike nr. 31: Te kemi besim te paluhatshem te delegacioni I UCK-se ne Rambuje.” Kosova Sot, February 21, 1999.
“Emeroj.” November 23, 1998.
“Message directed to Albanian People.” August 10, 1998.
“Political Declaration 10: Lufta Clirimtrae e UCK-se dhe e popullit shqiptar po vazhdon me ngulm e vendoshmeri.” Arta, September 27, 1998.
“Programi I UCK-se.” Krasniqi book, April 27, 1998.
“Prononcim per Opinion.” July 29, 1998.
“UCK—Te distancohemi nga politika antikombetare (Communiqué from Llap region).” Kosova Sot, March 15, 1999.
Radio Transcripts from Radio Free Kosova
“Human rights are equal for all.” RFK arc, vol 1, January 13, 1999.
“Interview with Sokol Dobrunen, Chief of Judicial System, KLA HQ.” RFK arc, vol 1, February 17, 1999.
“James Huper: The absence of NATO is a weakness of the Rambouillet conference.” RFK arc, vol 1, February 7, 1999.
“Krasniqi: Hostages.” Radio Free Kosova, January 24, 1999.
“Press conference with the Department of External Communications,” RFK arc, vol 1, January 20, 1999.
“The hardest point of the negotiations remains the Referendum.” RFK arc, vol 1, February 7, 1999.
“The old game continues.” RFK arc, vol 1, February 15, 1999.
Newspaper articles quoting KLA members
“Amerikani nga Detrioti erdhi ta cliroje Kosoven.” Kosova Sot, January 5, 1999.
“Armiku ka per qellim eskalimin e nje lufte te pergjitshme.” Koha Ditore, March 4, 1999.
“Asnje vendim politik pa pelqimin e Adem Demacit.” February 23, 1999.
“Bardhyl Mahmuti: Kyeshte konflikt ndermjet dy ushtrive, ushtaret e zene jane rober lufte.” Kosova Sot, January 12, 1999.
“Bardhyl Mahmuti: Pritet te lirohen disa ushtare te zene rober.” Kosova Sot, January 12, 1999.
“Bisedimet I japin perspective pavaresise.” Koha Ditore, February 26, 1999.
“Bshota: Po shfrytezohet vija vertikale e UCK-se.” Koha Ditore, March 4, 1999.
“Buja: Kemi treguar se nuk jemi ata qe marrin jete njerezish.” Koha Ditore, January 16, 1999.
“Cdo kush e ka te qarte se UCK-ja tashme paraqet formacion te regullt ushtarak.” Koha Ditore, February 14, 1999.
“Cdo urdher I Shtabit te Pergjithshem do te respektohet.” Koha Ditore, February 14, 1999.
“Cfaredo marreveshje, pa SHBA-ne dhe NATO-n-nuk ka vlere.” Kosova Sot, February 18, 1999.
“Delegacioni I Kosoves ne Rambouillet ka mandatin dhe mbeshtetjen e tere popullit shqiptar.” Koha Ditore, February 18, 1999.
“Demaci eshte dakorduar me shkuarjen e perfaqesuesve te UCK-se ne Rambuje.” Kosova Sot, February 10, 1999.
“Demaci: "Me nuk jam perfaqesues politik I UCK-se.” Koha Ditore, March 2, 1999.
“Demaci: Presidenti duhet te bashkoje popullin e jo ta percaje.” Koha Ditore, January 7, 1999.
“Demaci: UCK-ja nuk ja durrfare illuzionesh.” January 5, 1999.
“Demaci: Une nuk do te shkoje ne France.” Koha Ditore, February 3, 1999.
“Deri me 10 shkurt do te behen konsultimet reth krijimit te Asamblese qytetare (Communiqué 71 (?)).” Koha Ditore, January 28, 1999.
“Derisa ne bisejojme, serbet vrasin shqiptare.” February 21, 1999.
“Do te jemi ne roje te atdheut.” Kosova Sot, December 31, 1998.
“Drjtesia ngadhenjen kur kriminelet denohen si e meritojne.” Kosova Sot, January 27, 1999.
“Edhe ne Kosove te ndiqet shembulli i shqiperise, Communiqué 70.” Koha Ditore, January 22, 1999.
“Eshte e paprenueshme qe te kerkohet cfaredo ndihme prej atyre qe vrasin gra, pleq e femije.” Koha Ditore, February 5, 1999.
“Fjala e ushtarve te uck-se ne varrimin e mesuesit Halit Geci ne llaushe.” Zeri I Kosoves, December 11, 1997.
“Forcat e armikut perdoren metoda perfide e qyqare.” Koha Ditore, January 23, 1999.
“Hashim Thaçi caktohet mandatar per formimin e qeverise se perkohshme te Kosoves.” kosovasot, March 2, 1999.
“Hashim Thaçi udheheqes I delegacionit shqiptar I shruan leter tre Abasadoreve ndermjetesuse.” February 25, 1999.
“Interview with LDK.” Koha Jone Tirana, August 6, 1996.
“Jakup Krasniqi: Do te disedojme me ata qe jane gati te luftojne.” Kosova Sot, January 30, 1999.
“Jakup Krasniqi: NATO-ja te merre pjese ne zbatimin e cfardo marreveshjeje.” Kosova Sot, February 21, 1999.
“Kam qene I pakenaqur me imitimin e shtetit te paqene.” Koha Ditore, January 4, 1999.
“Kicmari: UCK-ja eshte ushtri e rregullt.” Koha Ditore, February 21, 1999.
“KLA Free "Yugoslav" Soldiers in Kosovo.” Kosova Sot, January 14, 1999.
“Koference e Rambujese nuk I le dere te hapur pavaresise.” Kosova Sot, February 9, 1999.
“Komandant Celike ne veten e pare: Lufta.” Koha Ditore, December 31, 1998.
“Komandantet e UCK-se do te respektojne urdhrin e SHP-se per carmatosje.” Koha Ditore, February 17, 1999.
“Komandanti I UCK-se refuzon zgjidhjen e pjeserishme politike.” Kosova Sot, March 7, 1999.
“Konfrontimet ne Kosove eskalojne.” Koha Ditore, February 21, 1999.
“Kosova eshte toke e shenjte andaj eshte shenjteri te vdesesh per te.” Kosova Sot, January 23, 1999.
“Krasniqi: Do te shkojme ne Rambouillet—sot lista e pjesemarresve.” Koha Ditore, February 2, 1999.
“Kryetare I qeverise nga UCK-ja.” Koha Ditore, February 24, 1999.
“Kurti: "UCK-ja nuk do t'I ndryshoje qendrimet e veta ne qofte se nuk ka dobi.” Koha Ditore, January 13, 1999.
“Kush ka te drejte te vendose per Kosoven.” Koha Ditore, March 16, 1999.
“Maloku: "UCK-ja do te ndjeke rrugen e deshmorit deri ne fund.” Koha Ditore, January 23, 1999.
“Marreveshja UCK-OSBE: Hap i rendesishem, nese realizohet.” Koha Ditore, January 14, 1999.
“Masakra e Prekazit paralajmerim I nje pranvere te zjarrte.” Koha Ditore, March 6, 1999.
“Mos u besoni Serbeve.” Koha Ditore, February 13, 1999.
“NATO-ja do te jete force implementuese e marreveshjes.” Kosova Sot, March 8, 1999.
“Ne qofte se bisedimet deshtojne, te gjithedo t'I bashkohemi UCK-se.” Koha Ditore, February 11, 1999.
“Nese organizohemi, pararesine do ta relizojme pas tre vjetesh.” Kosova Sot, March 3, 1999.
“Nga roli I ushtarit ne film–ushtar I njemendet ne beteje.” Kosova Sot, February 10, 1999.
“Nga Serbia ne Kosove kan ardhur perforcime te reja policore e ushtarake.” Koha Ditore, February 11, 1999.
“Nje lettra nga malet e Kosoves.” Zeri I Kosoves, February 13, 1997.
“Nuk jemi ne lufte me turqit, romet, egjiptianet.” Koha Ditore, February 9, 1999.
“One of the Terrorists.” Zeri I Kosoves, January 9, 1997.
“Pavaresia e Kosoves varet nga lufta jone.” Koha Ditore, February 25, 1999.
“Perfanqesuesit politike te UCK-se ne Perendim kerkojne Nderhyrjen e NATO-s.” Koha Ditore, January 21, 1999.
“Presidenti duhet te bashkoje popullin e jo te percaje.” Koha Ditore, January 7, 1999.
“Qellimi yne eshte paqja.” Koha Ditore, February 6, 1999.
“Qendrimi I SHP te UCK-se do te jete kapshem dhe ne perputhshmeri mi opinionin e popullit te Kosove.” Koha Ditore, March 13, 1999.
“Rame Buja: Ky eshte fillimi I nje fundi te suksesshem per te zgjidhur ceshtjen e Kosoves.” Koha Ditore, February 25, 1999.
“Remi: Kemi Harruar per pritje te Vitit te Ri.” Kosova Sot, December 31, 1998.
“Rugova ka refuzuar te gjitha takimet me UCK-ne.” Koha Ditore, December 31, 1998.
“Sa me larg veprimeve esadiste “qeveritare.” Koha Ditore, January 20, 1999.
“Serbet mund te na demtojne por jo edhe te na shpartallojne.” Kosova Sot, February 23, 1999.
“Serbia duhet ta kuptoje se e ka humbur luften ne Kosove.” Kosova Sot, January 1, 1999.
“SHP I UCK-se eshte duke shqurtuar dhe perpunuar documentet e Konferences Nderkobetare te Rambujese per Kosoven PD 32.” Kosovapress, February 27, 1999.
“Shqetesim dhe brengosje.” Koha Ditore, January 22, 1999.
“Shtabi i Pergjithshem ka vendos qe per zedhenes te tij te caktoj professor Jakup Krasniqin.” Koha Ditore, June 11, 1998.
“Shtabi i Pergjitshem i UCK-se caktoi Kryeministrin e Qeverise se Perkohshme te Kosoves.” Koha Ditore, January 3, 1999.
“Shteti serb kane hyre ne fashizem klasik.” Koha Ditore, January 17, 1999.
“Subjekti politik e ushtarak me unik se durdohere.” Kosova Sot, March 8, 1999.
“Tashme nje vit e me teper Kosova eshete ne lufte pashpallur.” Kosova Sot, January 16, 1999.
“Thaçi: Kjo qe po ndodh ne Kosove eshte gjenocid.” Koha Ditore, March 19, 1999.
“Thaçi: Ky plan nuk e rrezikon Ushtrine Clirimtare te Kosoves.” Koha Ditore, March 16, 1999.
“Thaçi: Marreveshja ne perputhje me aspiratat e shqiptareve te Kosoves.” Koha Ditore, February 24, 1999.
“Thaçi: Morem garanci per intervenim nderkobetar.” Kosova Sot, March 19, 1999.
“Thaçi: Pergjigjen definitive do ta japim ne Paris.” Koha Ditore, March 14, 1999.
“Thaçi: Shqiptaret jane te gatshem te nenshkruajne Marreveshjen e Rambouilletit.” Koha Ditore, March 16, 1999.
“Thaçi-I perkushtuar te arrije marreveshje.” Koha Ditore, March 1, 1999.
“Thyerje e arme-pushimit te premtuar.” Koha Ditore, February 6, 1999.
“Tirana perkrah luften heroike te shqiptareve te Kosoves.” Koha Ditore, January 5, 1999.
“U be varrimi I eprorit te UCK-se Bedri Bajrami.” Koha Ditore, February 12, 1999.
“UCK- Sulmi mbi policine ka qene aksion I mbrojtjes.” Kosova Sot, January 10, 1999.
“UCK: Duhet plotesuar edhe diss parakushte.” Kosova Sot, January 30, 1999.
“UCK: Sulmi mbi policine ka qene aksion mbrojtes.” Kosova Sot, January 10, 1999.
“UCK-ja dorezoi kufomen e nje serbi.” Kosova Sot, March 1, 1999.
“UCK-ja i rikthei kombit nderin dhe dinjitetin e neperkembur.” Koha Ditore, January 3, 1999.
“UCK-ja kerkon qe pavaresia e kosoves te jete baze per bisedime.” Koha Ditore, January 23, 1999.
“UCK-ja mbetet ne qendrimet e veta per shkembimin e roverve te luftes.” Kosova Sot, January 13, 1999.
“UCK-ja ne shkalle te larte te mobilizimit.” Kosova Sot, February 28, 1999.
“UCK-ja nuk do te ndalet deri ne fitore.” Kosova Sot, January 2, 1999.
“UCK-ja nuk do te transformohet ne parti politike.” Kosova Sot, February 17, 1999.
“UCK-ja refuzon te carmatoset.” Kosova Sot, February 18, 1999.
“UCK-ja seriozisht dhe sinqerisht po lufton per liri, pavaresi e demokraci te Kosoves.” Kosovapress, January 6, 1999.
“UCK-ja vendosi edhe njehere te tregoje se eshte per zgjidhje paqesore.” Koha Ditore, January 30, 1999.
“Ushtaret e liruar: Nuk na kane maltretuar.” Koha Ditore, January 13, 1999.
“Ushtria Clirmtare e Kosoves eshte e vendosur per te vazhduar luften per liri deri ne fitore.” Zeri I Kosoves, September 17, 1998.
“Z. Hashim Thaçi caktohet mandatar per formimin e Qeverse se perkohshme te Kosoves.” Kosova Sot, February 3, 1999.
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Mueller, J.A. Rebel Groups’ Adoption of Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law Norms: An Analysis of Discourse and Behavior in Kosovo. Hum Rights Rev 24, 511–544 (2023). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12142-023-00703-6
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s12142-023-00703-6