Introduction: Presentation of the Phenomenon and Reasons Behind This Paper

Migration has been a prominent global phenomenon, with millions of individuals seeking new opportunities and better living conditions in foreign lands. In recent decades, the scholarship’s focus on women’s migration has gained considerable attention, highlighting the unique experiences and contributions of women as migrants (Bastia & Piper, 2019; Basu, 2016; Bürkner, 2012; Donato et al., 2006; Geist & McManus, 2012; Kofman & Raghuram, 2011). While much research has explored the challenges and opportunities associated with women’s migration (Nawyn, 2010; Boyd & Grieco, 2014; Erdal et al., 2017; Bottomley, 2020; Lassalle & Shaw, 2021), there is scant recognition of the role played by women’s migrant returnees as intermediaries for their countries of return, especially in their roles as intermediaries and actors of change for themselves, for other women, and for their countries of citizenship/origin. Furthermore, up to the present day, the notions of agency and empowerment remain largely overlooked in the context of women migrants upon their return, along with their pivotal role as intermediaries for prospective returnees.

The European Union (EU) and the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) regions serve as an intriguing case study due to their historical, geographical, and contemporary connections. These two shores of the world share a common sea: the Mediterranean. The EU has witnessed significant migration flows from the MENA region, especially in the aftermath of the Arab uprisings (Garelli & Tazzioli, 2016). From both the Middle East, for instance Syria, and North Africa, such as Tunisia, many women have embarked on migration journeys seeking employment, education, or refuge in the European continent (Gabrielli & Carobene, 2021). However, a considerable number of these women eventually return to their countries of origin, either voluntarily or involuntarily. This is particularly relevant as a consequence of the Arab uprisings. In 2011, the region witnessed a powerful uprising led by civil society against deep-rooted authoritarianism, inequality, and social exclusion (Grinin, Korotayev, Tausch, & Tausch, 2019). The uprisings initially emerged in Tunisia and Morocco towards the end of 2010, rapidly spreading to other MENA countries. These uprisings saw the active involvement of women from diverse educational, socio-economic, and geographical backgrounds, both online, particularly through social media platforms like Facebook, and offline (Charrad, 2015; Moghadam, 2020; Newsom & Lengel, 2012). This collective activism sparked hope for societal transformation and the pursuit of more equitable societies in this part of the world region. The revolutions, and the consequent new constitutions, also introduced the concept of quality instead of complementarity between women and men (Grami, 2018).

Scholars have recognized women’s empowerment as a crucial element in fostering individual agency and collective, democratic consolidation (Eib et al., 2019; Moghadam, 2013), but they have not addressed how return migration is a window of emancipation for women’s agency, and it may foster other’s women decisions to migrate. Research has highlighted that women’s full participation in political and social spheres contributes to the establishment of a more equitable public realm. In response to the unfolding protests, the Tunisian Parliament, in 2011, approved the inclusion of gender equality as a fundamental principle in the country’s constitution (Debuysere, 2016; Tamaru, Holt-Ivry & O’Reilly, 2018; Benstead, 2019; Borrillo, 2019; Hudáková, 2021). Similarly, the King of Morocco introduced the principle of equal treatment for men and women (Borrilo, 2017). In subsequent years, both countries enacted laws to combat gender-based violence (Borrillo, 2019; Yacoubi, 2016). Presently, Tunisia has made notable strides in promoting democratic policies and gender equality, exemplified by Najla Bouden, who became the first and only female prime minister in Tunisia and the Arab world. Morocco, while maintaining its monarchical system, has shown a greater openness to democratic and progressive policies in the post-uprising context.

As the protests unfolded, a significant number of women who had migrated from Tunisia and Morocco to Europe, particularly France and Italy, chose to return to their home countries. For instance, in Tunisia, 56% of the 20,000 recent returnees aged 15 or older were under 40; 43% of returning migrants were women. In Morocco, in 2014, there were 210,000 returnees (41% women) compared to 165,000 in 2004 and 117,000 in 1994.Footnote 1

This paper seeks to delve into the multifaceted role of women’s migrant returnees as intermediaries in women’s migration, with a particular focus on the concepts of empowerment and agency. Empowerment refers to the process by which individuals gain control over their lives, exercise their rights, and enhance their capabilities to make autonomous decisions. Women’s empowerment refers to the process of enabling women to have more control over their lives and to participate fully in the social, economic, and political decision-making process of an existing system. It encompasses a wide range of issues, including access to education, health care and economic opportunities, as well as the ability to participate in political life and make decisions about one’s own life, such as options related to marriage, married life, and reproductive life (Cornwall, 2016; Kabeer, 1999). Empowerment is, therefore, a complex and multifaceted process that involves not only providing women with resources and opportunities, but also changing attitudes and social norms that limit women’s autonomy. According to Kabeer (1999:437), empowerment is “the expansion of people’s ability to make strategic life choices in a context where this ability was previously denied them”, such as going to school, deciding not to marry, owning property, and reporting abuse. Agency, on the other hand, encompasses individuals’ capacity to act and make choices that shape their lives and influence the lives of others (Abrams, 1998; Afshar, 2008; Ozkazanc‐Pan, 2019; Tadros, 2021). In sociology, the concept of agency refers to the ability of individuals to make their own choices, act on their own behalf, and shape their own lives (Donald et al., 2020; Karasev, 2022) by challenging the social norms and system context.

Through an exploration of the journeys undertaken by female migrant returnees in the EU-MENA region, this paper endeavors to illuminate the manner in which these women adeptly navigate the intricate landscape of returning to their home countries. In doing so, it seeks to highlight their significant contributions to the development and empowerment of both local women and migrant women, ultimately benefiting prospective returnees as well. It recognizes that women’s migration journeys often involve a range of challenges, including gender-specific barriers, social norms, cultural expectations, and legal and institutional constraints. Nevertheless, it contends that women’s return can be a transformative process that provides and broadens opportunities for women’s empowerment and agency by acting as intermediaries of women’s migration.

Understanding the role of women’s migrant returnees as intermediaries is crucial for policymakers, practitioners, and researchers alike. It offers insights into the potential of these women to bridge the knowledge and resource gaps between the EU and the MENA region, and how their experiences can inform policies and practices related to migration, development, and gender equality. Moreover, examining the dynamics of empowerment and agency among women’s migrant returnees can contribute to broader discussions on gender, migration, and social change.

To accomplish these objectives, this paper will draw upon a combination of qualitative research methods, including case studies, comparative analysis, and in-depth interviews. The voices and narratives of women’s migrant returnees themselves will be at the forefront, ensuring a comprehensive and nuanced understanding of their experiences, aspirations, and contributions to the study of women’s migration.

In conclusion, this paper seeks to contribute to the existing body of knowledge on women’s migration and return by exploring the role of women’s migrant returnees as intermediaries in the EU-MENA region. By examining the concepts of empowerment and agency, it sheds light on the transformative potential of their return and its implications for migration, development, and gender dynamics. Ultimately, understanding the experiences of these women can inform policies and interventions that promote gender equality, empower women, and foster inclusive societies in both sending and receiving countries.

Methods

This paper utilizes a combination of qualitative research methods (Collier & Elman, 2008; Yalaz & Zapata-Barrero, 2018) to explore the role of intermediaries for empowerment and agency among women’s migrant returnees in the EU-MENA region and for prospective returnees. Qualitative methods are chosen to provide a rich and nuanced understanding of the experiences, perspectives, and aspirations of these women. Additionally, a comparative analysis (Bloemraad, 2013; Green, 1994) is employed to examine the similarities and differences in the experiences of women’s migrant returnees across different countries in the EU-MENA region. This comparative approach allows shedding light on the diverse factors that influence empowerment and agency, including socio-cultural contexts, legal frameworks, and support systems. I also make use of four exploratory in-depth interviews (Brinkmann & Kvale, 2018) which were conducted with women who have returned to their countries of origin, allowing for a deep exploration of their personal narratives, challenges faced, and contributions made as intermediaries. These interviews provide valuable insights into how these women negotiate the complexities of reintegration and navigate gender-specific barriers, social norms, and institutional constraints. By employing these qualitative methods, this study aims to uncover the multifaceted dynamics of women’s migrant return and its implications for the empowerment of both individual women and their home countries.

Moving Beyond a Securitarian Perspective of Return Migration

In this study, the approach chosen to analyze the return migration of women is intended to counter the securitarian model of migration that focuses on the protection of national security and the maintenance of social order, which limits and controls the movement of people across borders by means of police measures. The securitarian view of migration often entails stricter border controls, increased surveillance, and harsher punishments for unauthorized migration or migration deemed not to be in accordance with a country’s principles (Bach, 2010; Völkel, 2014). In this paper, I argue that women who decide to return to their country of origin or first citizenship are the full expression of women’s agency, understood as the ability of women to make choices in different spheres, from education to professional careers and relationships, and to make decisions that affect their lives and the lives of those around them. Women’s agency, in the specific context of return migration, is exemplified in the path of emancipation, capable of subverting persistent gender regimes and orders in their contexts of origin.

Many women in the EU-MENA region, especially those who have migrated to Europe, have returned for a variety of reasons, such as family reunification, economic opportunities, and cultural ties.

In the EU-MENA region, the issue of women’s return to their countries of origin is crucial, as it has a strong impact on women’s empowerment, agency, and de facto gender equality. Many elements, such as financial resources, social networks, and cultural norms, influence women’s agency. Women’s access to economic resources is a significant aspect that influences their ability to act in return migration. Women who have access to economic options, such as education and employment, are more likely to sustain their return migration and are better equipped to deal with the social and economic difficulties they may face. Social networks are crucial in determining how women’s agency in return migration is shaped (Curran & Saguy, 2001; Wong, 2014). In fact, women are more likely to have the resources and social support to deal with the difficulties of return migration if they have access to support networks that include family, friends, and community groups.

Women’s ability to act in return migration is also influenced by cultural norms and views on gender roles. Gender roles are largely traditional in many communities in the EU-MENA region, and women are expected to emphasize their responsibilities as wives and mothers, especially south of the Mediterranean. Consequently, women’s agency in return migration and access to political and economic opportunities may be limited. It is therefore evident that women’s return migration from the EU-MENA region is an important issue for gender equality, women’s empowerment, and agency. Policymakers and some associations and organizations working in the social field can also better support women’s return migration and promote their empowerment in their countries of origin.

The literature on women’s return migration in the EU-MENA region is still relatively limited. There are, however, some key international studies that have contributed to the understanding of this phenomenon. For example, a study by Al-Ali and Koser (2002) examined the experiences of Iraqi women who returned to Iraq after living in the diaspora. The study highlighted the complex interplay between gender, nationalism, and identity in shaping the migration experiences of these women and the ways in which their return migration contributed to social change in Iraq.

In this research article, I seek to understand and present the role and agency of women returning to Tunisia and Morocco after migrating abroad, the ways in which they exercise their ability to negotiate the challenges and opportunities associated with returning to their countries of origin. This includes negotiating gender roles and expectations, accessing economic opportunities, and managing cultural differences.

Another theme that has emerged in the literature on women’s return migration in Tunisia and Morocco is the impact of migration on family dynamics and relationships (Zontini, 2022). Women’s return migration can have a substantial impact on family relationships and dynamics, particularly in relation to gender roles and expectations. Indeed, women returning to Tunisia and Morocco after living abroad may experience tensions and conflicts in their relationships with family members as they negotiate new gender roles and expectations.

Despite the limited amount of research on women’s return migration to Tunisia and Morocco (Ruhs 2006; Wahba, 2015), there are several studies that have contributed to the understanding of this phenomenon. For example, Zohry (2013) examined the experiences of Egyptian women who returned to Egypt after living abroad. While not specific to the case of Tunisia or Morocco, the study emphasized the value of gender and agency in shaping women’s return migration experiences in the MENA region.

Another interesting work is that of Wahba (2015). The study explores the impact of return migration on individuals who choose to return to their country after living abroad. The author points out that return migration is not a random process that occurs unexpectedly. On the contrary, it is influenced by various factors, such as the characteristics of the migrants and the host countries. Consequently, individuals who choose to return home are not representative of the entire migrant population, but rather of a select group of individuals inclined to create new forms of business as return migration impacts human capital and influences the occupational choice and wages of returnees. The author argues that understanding the selection process is crucial to accurately assess the impact of return migration on individuals, communities, and countries. Wahba’s work examines the impact of return migration on various economic aspects, such as labor market outcomes, earnings, and investment in human capital. The author finds that return migrants tend to have higher levels of education, work experience, and language skills than non-return migrants. They also tend to earn more than non-returning migrants in the same host country. However, on return, their earnings tend to be lower than in the host country. The study also explores the impact of return migration on the home country, asserting that return migrants tend to have a positive impact on the human capital and economic development of the home country. Overall, Wahba’s paper Selection, Selection, Selection: The Impact of Return Migration emphasizes the importance of understanding the selection process in return migration and its impact on individuals, communities, and societies in countries. It provides insights into the potential benefits and challenges of return migration and highlights the need for policies that support the integration and reintegration of return migrants in their countries of origin. Finally, Wahba also analyzes the impact of return migration on labor market outcomes and women’s investment in human capital and stresses the possibility that return migration positively affects gender equality in the country of origin. However, the author notes that the gendered nature of return migration and its impact on women is an area that requires further research.

For instance, the role of intermediaries played by women upon return in their country of origin and for prospective women returnees.

In conclusion, the return migration of women in Tunisia and Morocco is a complex phenomenon that requires further research and attention from society and different communities. The literature on women’s return migration in Tunisia and Morocco highlights the importance of gender, agency, and family dynamics in shaping migration experiences and provides important insights into the experiences of women returning to their home countries after living abroad. Although limited, existing studies suggest that women’s return migration to Tunisia and Morocco has considerable implications for gender dynamics and social change in these countries. Moreover, current researchers have failed to address the role played by women returnees as intermediaries of change for local women in the country of origin and for prospective returnees, going back to Tunisia and Morocco from European countries. In the following section, I will present some fascinating and thought-provoking stories and studies on returnees’ migration.

Gender Lens to Return Migration: Empowerment and Agency from an Individual to an Intermediary’s Perspective

Over the past 15 years, increasingly more women who have lived abroad, especially in Europe, have returned to their home countries (Garelli & Tazzioli, 2016). Women returnees bring with them perspectives, experiences, and talents that might have enabled them to influence change in their returning cultures and communities and act as intermediaries for women who might intend to return to the MENA region. In these countries, women returnees have made significant contributions to the advancement of democratic governance, human rights, and gender equality. Using examples and information from a variety of sources, this article’s section explores how returnees can be agents of change for themselves, for prospective returnees, and for the communities to which they return.

For this reason, I decided to begin by presenting one exemplary case of “success” stories of a woman returnee in Tunisia. A prominent advocate for human rights and gender equality in Tunisia, Ommezine Khelifa is an advocate and human rights defender in that country. Khelifa, who founded the Association for the Prevention of Torture in Tunisia, has dedicated the last 15 years of her life to promoting the rights of disadvantaged groups, particularly women, children, and people with disabilities. Through her work at the Tunisian Women’s Association for Research and Development, she has also been actively committed to the elimination of all types of gender-based violence. In 2019, Khelifa received the esteemed Human Rights Watch Defender Award in honor of her commitment to ensuring human rights. Ommezine Khelifa continues to be an important voice in the struggle for justice and equality in Tunisia. In general, her work has had a significant impact on the promotion of gender equality and human rights in the country. She is a returnee who decided to go back to Tunisia during the 2011 Arab revolutions despite having a stable and peaceful life as a telecommunications engineer in Paris.

The above example shows that women returnees may also be able to use the experience and resources acquired abroad to improve their lives and contribute to their communities back home in different ways, as well as being an inspiration for women who wish to return to their country of origin/citizenship. They may use the skills and knowledge acquired abroad to start businesses, participate in local and national policy development projects, or contribute to the local economy in other ways, thus becoming a reference point and a source of motivation for women who are still in Europe. All this can happen in different ways. At the entrepreneurial level, some women who return home after living abroad start their own business or become self-employed. For example, returnees who gained skills and experience in the technology sector while living abroad may start their own technology companies when they return home. The decision to undertake a new form of business can lead to economic empowerment and job creation for others in their community (Cornwall, 2016; Bouzekraoui & Ferhane, 2017; Salem et al., 2020). From an advocacy perspective, returnees return to their country with a greater awareness of social and political issues at the international level. They are able to use their experience and knowledge to become advocates for women’s rights, social justice, or other causes they are passionate about. Many women return to their home countries and become involved in community building activities such as volunteering, mentoring or organizing events, and liaising with the local communities, as well as international partnerships. Social agencies organized in this way can help build stronger, more connected communities and create opportunities for others to learn from the experience of returnees. Ultimately, their experiences and skills can drive positive change and inspire others to follow in their footsteps and their leadership.

Women migrant returnees therefore also contribute significantly to the advancement of gender equality and human rights in their countries of origin as they challenge patriarchal norms and conventional gender roles and encourage women’s participation in politics, economics, and society. This has been the case of Khelifa who was a pioneer in fostering women’s rights and quality versus complementary in the aftermath of the uprisings in Tunisia as a return migrant who had also witnessed a different cultural environment and situation for women. Another very relevant example is the one of Najla Bouden, who is now prime minister of Tunisia after having lived abroad. She is also the first and only woman prime minister in the region. Returnees have been prominent in Tunisia’s transition to democracy, as they have championed women’s rights and, particularly in the wake of the Arab revolutions since late 2010, contributed to the drafting of the country’s new constitution passed in 2014. Women who returned to Afghanistan in the years from 2002 to 2021, as another international example, were able during that time to contribute to the reconstruction of the country, the advancement of women’s rights, the promotion of health and education, and the promotion of women’s participation in politics and society.

The promotion of economic growth and entrepreneurship in the countries of origin has also been greatly facilitated by returning migrant women. To create new businesses and jobs, returnees have used their skills and experience, contributing to the growth of the economies of the countries of return. Women returnees, for example, have been instrumental in promoting small and medium enterprise (SME) development, job creation, and economic growth in Ghana (Black et al., 2003; Wong, 2014). In Nigeria, they have contributed significantly to encouraging women entrepreneurship, supporting women-owned enterprises, and promoting women’s economic empowerment (Trager et al., 1995). Despite their significant contribution, women returnees face several challenges, including social and cultural barriers, discrimination, and lack of support. Women returnees often encounter social and cultural barriers, such as stigma and discrimination, which can limit their ability to participate fully in the society in which they live. They also have difficulties accessing health care, education, and employment, which can reduce their chances of economic and social advancement. At the same time, returned women also have many opportunities to improve their societies. They have access to knowledge, perspectives, and experience that can help them improve social, political, and economic conditions in their home countries and combat discrimination. They can also act as actors of change and role models, motivating others to work for a more just and equitable society in a fruitful exchange of experiences.

Returnees have also become important agents of change in their home countries, promoting democratic governance, gender equality, women’s agency, and human rights. They represent a new model of equal action and promote change in their communities. Furthermore, women returnees can also help build bridges between different communities and promote tolerance and understanding by echoing their diverse socio-cultural experiences and mobility.

The role of returning migrant women as agents of change is exemplified in several initiatives and programs. In Tunisia, for example, the World Organization for Migration has established a rehabilitation program for women returnees, which focuses on vocational training, education, and an economic self-discipline program to which returnees are bound in order to obtain financial and technical support to start their economic activities (Garelli & Tazzioli, 2016). At the international level, the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina is interesting, where the organization “Mothers of Srebrenica,” composed of women who lost family members in the Srebrenica massacre, works with returnees to promote peace and reconciliation. The organization provides psychosocial support to returnee women and aims to empower them to become agents of change in their communities (Ryngaert & Spijkers, 2019).

Also in Tunisia, some civil society organizations, such as the Tunisian Women’s Association for Research and Development (AFTURD), have worked with returnees to promote their reintegration and encourage dialogue with those who have never experienced a migration process (Borrillo, 2020; Labidi, 2007). Similarly, in Morocco, the government has established a specific program for returnees, as have some civil society organizations, such as the Association Démocratique des Femmes du Maroc (ADFM) (Tripp, 2019).

Furthermore, a report by the Moroccan Institute for Policy Analysis (MIPA) found that female returnees face significant challenges, including stigmatization and difficulties in finding work and housing. The report also emphasizes the need for comprehensive rehabilitation and reintegration programs to support the successful reintegration of returnees into society.

From the streets of Tunis to the cities of Paris and Rome, women continue to protest against the oppression of patriarchal regimes and gender-based discriminations, to promote gender equality and demand more rights. Women, organized in movements, associations, and even individually, have been harbingers of change for both countries of origin and countries of migration.

The reason for their lack of presence in the studies and analyses of international organizations lies above all in the perspective adopted by mainstream research. Migration research, especially that favored by international organizations, has always been quantitative, but, in this case, the returns of those who reside in Europe as undocumented migrants and decide to return home remain invisible to statistical data collections. What is more, national and international organizations continue not to post gender-disaggregated data. Moreover, those who return home, after having lived irregularly abroad, are not counted in national and international databases. Return migrations are only reported if the return is part of an institutional program, among them the IOM voluntary return programs.

The autonomous decisions of migrants to return to their country of origin therefore remain totally non-existent. For this reason, as a researcher with an interest in return migration, I have decided to start this research journey by investigating this phenomenon of returnees and proceeding with a type of qualitative survey instrument, qualitative in-depth interviews. The following extracts are taken from interviews conducted in 2023 with four Tunisian women, aged between 25 and 36 years old. In this exploratory research, I conducted interviews with four women, all of whom undertook solo journeys to either Italy or France. Notably, they were all well-educated, holding either bachelor’s or master’s degrees. While some of them had family support, only two out of the four could rely on their networks or family resources to sustain themselves in the foreign countries. The remaining two had to work multiple jobs to make ends meet in the EU. Additionally, these women exhibited diverse perspectives on women’s rights and gender issues, with some adhering to more conservative ideas, while others held more progressive views. Interestingly, their opinions on these matters evolved throughout their migration trajectories. The first interviewee, referred to as “Noura” (a fictional name), decided to return to Tunisia in 2019 after completing high school and living in France. The second extract originates from an interview with “Ghofrane” (also a fictional name), who chose to return to Tunisia from Italy in 2021, after migrating in her mid-twenties. The third interview features “Maryam” (a fictional name), who initially migrated to France and eventually returned to Tunisia in 2018. Lastly, “Ryma” (also a fictional name) resided in Italy and later repatriated to Tunisia in 2019. Despite being a limited sample, these interviews provide valuable insights into the experiences of educated women who undertook solitary migration journeys and faced varying degrees of financial support and challenges in their host countries. Furthermore, their shifting perspectives on women’s rights and gender issues throughout their migration trajectories illustrate the dynamic nature of their personal growth and integration into new cultural contexts.

[Noura, 26: Tunisia-France-Tunisia]: (My migration route) taught me to take the initiative. If I don’t know how to do something, I look for what to do, ask others and do it myself. This has been the best thing I have learnt. I feel I can do things I couldn’t do before, because I thought they were not ‘suitable for women’, and I didn’t know I had the power to do it. This is helping me a lot, especially now that I am back in Tunisia. I really don’t think I could have realized it if I hadn’t left. What I am trying to do is to spread and share this new awareness I have about myself, and about myself as a woman.

[Ghofrane, 32: Tunisia-Italy-Tunisia]: Between Italy and Tunisia, I would say that I don’t find much difference, but my life as a woman has totally changed. I have more awareness, I have done things in Italy, even simply going to climb a mountain without being accompanied by a man, which are not looked upon favourably here.

[…] You know when I returned to Tunisia ‘I became a woman again’, and that can be good. But if I can see it as such, it is only because of the experiences I had during the time I was in Italy…I have more tools…

[Ryma, 27: Tunisia-Italy-Tunisia]: My migration experience has had a profound impact on my personal development, especially as I encountered challenging moments while living alone in a foreign country. Despite facing difficulties and feeling a sense of something missing, I believe that my time in Italy has positively influenced my personality. Migration has been a catalyst for personal growth, teaching me valuable life lessons. It has taught me how to be self-reliant, responsible, and resilient in the face of stress and adversity[…]Living in a different country has been a transformative experience that has forced me to learn how to take care of myself and navigate unfamiliar situations. It has given me the opportunity to develop a strong sense of independence and self-sufficiency. Through the ups and downs of my journey, I have learned how to adapt and face challenges head-on, which has significantly contributed to my personal growth. Migration has also taught me the importance of being responsible for my choices and actions. In a foreign land, I had to make decisions that directly impacted my well-being, pushing me to be more accountable for the outcomes[…] Also, facing the difficulties and uncertainties of living abroad has honed my ability to manage stress effectively. It has given me the resilience to persevere through tough times and find strength in my inner resources. These experiences have empowered me to face difficult moments head-on and grow from the challenges I encounter.

The three small portions of the interviews in this paragraph are enthralling. In the first interview, one can see the added value that Noura acquired during her migration path. In France, Noura’s narrative unveils a transformative journey where she confronted challenges and assumed responsibilities previously unfamiliar to her from her life in Tunisia. This experience catalyzed a heightened self-awareness and recognition of her individual agency. She realized that she can take the initiative and do anything and that it does not matter if she is a woman or a man, as there is no distinction based on gender: it is the notion of Western individualism. As she speaks, I notice that she is a little moved and very proud of herself and this change. It is as if she has acquired a light and strength that allows her to live the way she wants. Furthermore, I found Noura’s direct involvement in her return community very interesting, as she states that she tries to share her “migrant” experiences. From her words, one can see how her willingness to talk to other girls and women is meant to create awareness. I, however, go further; I believe her involvement is meant to inspire new women to voice their own wills and to give women the ability to make their own choices, act on their own behalf, and shape their own lives: it is the concept of agency and her role as an intermediary to women’s migration.

The second interview, and specifically the excerpt selected in this paragraph, can be read in multiple ways. While conducting the interview, Ghofrane’s comment about “feeling like a woman again” once back in Tunisia did not seem to me to have a positive connotation. Then, I asked more questions and tried to understand the reasons behind her comment. Ghofrane decided to migrate to Italy. During her migration, she lived in different regions of the country, in the south and the north of Italy. In both, she tells me, she did not feel the difference with her male counterpart and she felt free to live the way she liked. She tells me that when she lived in the south of Italy, in Apulia, she had perceived differences in the roles that society traditionally assigns to women and men, but she had not experienced limitations of any kind. In Tunisia, the country to which she has returned, Ghofrane feels, on the other hand, more social pressure on what is or is not right to do as a woman, on the choices to be made, on the wishes of the family, on how to dress, on the people to go out with, and on the appointments to which society dictates not to go. She tells me that at first, her return, laden with this suffocating pressure, was incredibly difficult to bear. But, then, she continues with the story and says:

I also came back because of this, because I had an experience that changed my mind about many things and it was a great opportunity, I would like to share it with those who were not so lucky.

Her “being a woman again” in Tunisia is, therefore, marked by strong emancipation and awareness. Her courage transcends the limits of personal experience and moves towards a kind of change in Tunisian society in the specific context of women’s rights and their capacity for agency. She also confirms, as other interviewees do, that her contacts with “prospective women returnees” residing in France is consistent, is a network of women who shared similar experiences, and is something that might help the others to return, acting as an intermediary of women’s return migration.

Ghofrane’s story of migration has some similarities with Ryma’s one. In the extract quoted in the paragraph, she refers to migration as a challenge of “personal development,” a sort of learning experience that has taught her how to face various life situations. Moreover, she extends her perspective beyond her individual encounters, underscoring that her conviction, influenced by the narratives of her friends as well, centers on the inherent benefits of migrating to a foreign land. This relocation facilitates the recognition of personal strengths and a heightened consciousness of both the individual identities and the intricate dynamics surrounding the process of return. In this context, the words of Maryam seem compelling:

[Maryam, 29: Tunisia-France-Tunisia]: when I was in France I felt I could be more that just a Tunisian women, I could be up to whatever I felt like and nothing was hampering me from doing it. You know, I have always known this but I need to leave my country’s bubble to actually and concretely act as I wanted… and, when I came back it was clear to me that I needed a push and that this sense and experienced that I lived was something to share.

The stories of these women are different but both give readers a sense of strong female emancipation and agency. It is a desire for change, in line with the motto: “ثورة الحرية والكرامة”(in transliterated Arabic: “Thawra al-hurriya wa al-karama”. In English: “The revolution for freedom and dignity”) of the revolutions of the last decade aimed at promoting human rights and achieving real, de facto gender equality. This eventually has inspired and continues to attract women return migration in the MENA region, especially considering the bridging activity of returnees who act as intermediaries for prospective women returnees in this part of the world region, as well as globally.

Discussion and Conclusion

This research paper has delved into the significant role of women returnees as intermediaries within the context of women’s migration, societal change, and women’s agency. By exploring their experiences, aspirations, and contributions in the EU-MENA region, this study has shed light on the transformative potential of their return and its implications for various stakeholders. The interviewed women demonstrated their ability to navigate the challenges and opportunities associated with migrating to Europe and returning to their countries of origin, including negotiating gender roles and expectations. Their awareness of exploiting and managing different cultural and socio-economic opportunities has been evident, as seen through Ghofrane’s expression of “becoming a woman again.”

The findings indicate that women returnees play a crucial role as vital intermediaries for other women embarking on migration journeys. The development of their intermediary roles varies, from engaging with local women through formal associations that encourage discussion about their stories (a more top-down approach) to personal networks and discussions with family, friends, and acquaintances (a bottom-up environment). In some cases, these two levels merge, creating a more comprehensive form of women’s agency that addresses women both as individuals and as a collective group.

These migrant women possess invaluable firsthand knowledge and insights into the challenges and opportunities associated with migration, making them effective guides, mentors, and sources of support for prospective migrants. By sharing their experiences and navigating complex processes, they contribute to the empowerment of fellow women migrants, enabling them to make informed decisions and enhance their agency in shaping their own migration experiences.

Furthermore, women returnees have demonstrated a pivotal role in affecting societal change. They act as catalysts for development and empowerment in both their home countries and the receiving countries. The perspectives they provide inform policies and practices related to migration, development, and gender equality, contributing to the formation of more inclusive societies. Their efforts challenge gender norms, cultural expectations, and legal and institutional constraints that hinder women’s progress. Their stories and the paper itself not only enrich the existing literature on gender and migration but also confront conventional narratives surrounding women migrant returnees, dispelling the prevailing perception of their experiences as stories of failure. Instead, they introduce a fresh and intricate perspective that redefines both individual and collective agency within the realm of women, migrant women, and returnees.

This study lays important groundwork on the subject of women’s return migration and their roles as intermediaries, but it represents just an initial exploration and presents limitations that should be acknowledged. Firstly, the sample size of the women interviewed might be limited, potentially not fully representing the diverse experiences of women returnees in the EU-MENA region. Future research could benefit from a more extensive and diverse sample to provide a more comprehensive perspective on the topic. Secondly, this research primarily focuses on the experiences and contributions of women returnees in the EU-MENA region, which means it may not capture the unique dynamics in other regions. Expanding the geographical scope could offer valuable comparisons and insights into the broader implications of women’s return migration worldwide. Lastly, while this study delves into the intermediary roles of women returnees and their impact on societal change, it is crucial to recognize that their experiences are influenced by complex and evolving social, political, and economic contexts. Future research should consider these broader contextual factors, including long-term consequences of their intermediary roles and the challenges and barriers they may encounter in their quest for societal change.

In conclusion, this paper underscores the pivotal role of women returnees as intermediaries, shedding light on the substantial transformative potential they hold upon their return. Beyond individual agency, their influence extends to encompass broader societal impacts on migration dynamics and women’s agency. Furthermore, this contribution extends to the broader discussions concerning gender, migration, and societal change. Although this study serves as a foundational work, addressing its limitations and expanding on its insights will enable a more nuanced understanding of the multifaceted nature of women’s migration, individual agency, and their collective societal impact. Recognizing and leveraging the agency of these women returnees can usher in policy shifts that foster gender equality and transform migration discourse from being merely a crisis or security issue to one that recognizes its transformative potential.