Introduction

The twenty-first century has seen the rise of new sexual identity subcultures, the growth of which has been attributed at least in part to the emergence of social technologies which allow new sexual stories to circulate wider and impact a broader population (Hammack & Manago, 2024; Hammack & Wignall, 2023; Wignall, 2022). This rise has occurred concurrently with an expansion in sexual identity labels and a lessening attachment to lesbian, gay and bisexual (LGB) identity labels as core or necessarily primary elements of sexual identity (Ghaziani & Holmes, 2023; Savin-Williams, 2005). A rise in visibility of kink identities and subcultures has been part of this larger process and resulted in a flourishing of new understandings of the way in which individuals form communities to play with roles and power in both sexual and nonsexual ways (e.g., Wignall & McCormack, 2017). Across a range of social science fields, scholars now increasingly recognize kink as a form of sexual and social identity diversity that provides individuals with pleasure, meaning, and a sense of community (Hammack, Frost et al., 2019; Williams & Sprott, 2022).

A kink sexual subculture that has been highly visible, particularly on social media, and increasingly studied is the “pup” subculture (e.g., Wignall, 2022). Members of this subculture, who overwhelmingly identify as gay or bisexual men, engage in canine role play in both sexual and nonsexual ways, not with any connection to bestiality but rather to assume an “alter” persona and achieve stress relief by mimicking the behavior of puppies (Wignall & McCormack, 2017). Although research has documented such aspects as the nature of “pup play” (Wignall & McCormack, 2017), the use of social media among members of the subculture (Wignall, 2022), and the mental health of community members (Wignall et al., 2022), no research has directly examined the narratives of discovery of the subculture and motivations to become a part of it.

The purpose of the current study was to examine narratives of individuals who identify as part of pup subcultures to gain a better understanding of their discovery process, their motivations to become subculture members, and the meaning they derive from participation in the subculture. Our broader aim was to document the way in which individuals are engaging with new sexual stories of the twenty-first century which emphasize sexuality and identity as spaces for intimate creativity and playfulness (Hammack, Frost, et al., 2019).

Our conceptual approach is rooted in narrative theories of sexual identity development, which emphasize how individuals engage in social practices in communities to develop personal narratives that provide a sense of meaning and coherence (Hammack & Cohler, 2009). As they develop their own identities, individuals engage with stories about gender and sexuality that circulate in cultural discourses (Plummer, 1995). The pup identity, we argue, represents a novel twenty-first century sexual story which emphasizes playfulness, community, and escape from the stress associated with master narratives of gender and sexuality. Historically, its emergence comes at a time in which sex between men became less associated with death, with the shift in prevention and treatment for HIV (Hammack, Toolis, et al., 2019), and thus a time in which a new generation of gay and bisexual men have sought creative ways to form identities and communities. While prior research has examined basic aspects of pup play as a kink activity (e.g., Wignall & McCormack, 2017), none has interrogated narratives of discovery or meaning making among members of this subculture.

The Story of Pup Play and Identity

In pup play, individuals mimic the behaviors of dogs, such as walking on all fours (hands and knees), barking/biting, playing with other “pups,” and wearing pup play paraphernalia (e.g., pup hood, collar/leash) (Wignall et al., 2022). Individuals often engage in pup play with other pups or “Handlers” (individuals who assume a role as a human who looks after pups), but it can also be performed solitarily. For some, pup play is predominantly a sexual activity, finding the wearing of pup paraphernalia sexually arousing and engaging in sexual activities and/or other kink activities alongside pup play (Wignall, 2022). For others, pup play is predominantly a social activity, allowing for individual expression through the creation of a “pup identity” and connecting with broader pup/kink subcultures at events and online (Matchett & Berkowitz, 2023). Importantly, members of the subculture disavow any connection to bestiality (Wignall & McCormack, 2017) and instead frame the assumption of canine traits and practices as playful and metaphorical.

Pup play has its roots within frameworks of submission and humiliation, where it was a form of dehumanization and degradation, with individuals labelled as “human dogs” rather than “pups” (Lawson & Langdridge, 2020). Over time, individuals started to emphasize the playful aspects of pup play and see it as a lighter form of power exchange; it also allowed for the easy exploration of other kinks simultaneously, including different material outfits and kink activities (Wignall, 2022).

Pup play and the pup subculture became highly visible in the 2010s on social media such as Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter/X. Documentaries and news media features followed, including a high-profile documentary which aired on mainstream UK television in 2016 and features in such major outlets in the USA as The New York Times (Montgomery, 2019). In these and other forums, participants in the pup subculture have constructed a story about the appropriation of canine culture for role play and the formation of identity and community.

There is limited research on pup play, and this research focuses mostly on conceptualizations of pup play and the dynamics involved in the practice. In the first study of gay and bisexual men who engage in pup play in the UK, Wignall and McCormack (2017) identified the defining characteristics of pups, labelling pup play as a socio-sexual kink activity and a form of leisure. Using the same data set, Wignall (2017) described the strong online presence of pup play and the utility of social networking sites for helping to create online communities. Lawson and Langdridge (2019; see also Langdridge & Lawson, 2020) conducted an online survey (70% gay men) and interviews (84% gay men) with pup play practitioners, supporting the findings of Wignall and McCormack (2017), and documenting how pup play had exploded in popularity on an international scale and has important community components. Matchett and Berkowitz (2023) interviewed (predominantly gay male) pups from North America, finding participants created communities through social media, crafted pup identities which reflected their personalities and interests, and used scripts and gear to achieve a pup “headspace” (an alternative mental state often described as relaxed or trance-like).

Previous research on pup play has documented its existence and provided preliminary information about its social and psychological appeal to practitioners. Missing in the existing research is an examination of pup play through a narrative and subcultural conceptual lens—a conceptual perspective that recognizes the way in which participation in pup play goes beyond kinky sexual practices to constitute a distinct subculture and to provide individuals with a sense of meaning and coherence through narrative identity (Hammack, 2008; Hammack & Cohler, 2009). Our study sought to address this gap in the literature by collecting narratives of discovery, meaning, and motivation, and interpreting these narratives through the conceptual prism of narrative and subculture.

Narratives of Kink

How do the ways in which members of the pup subculture tell sexual stories mirror larger narratives of kink? To consider this question, we identified the narratives of kink that have historically circulated since the nineteenth century.

Early research conceived of kink as a form of pathology or deviance (e.g., Krafft-Ebing, 1886), with such framings impacting how kinky people understood their own desires. In this context, kinky people hid their kink identities or, to legitimize their kink interests, focused on the social aspects of kink rather than the sexual components (Rubin, 1981; Wignall, 2022). To combat these earlier stereotypes, some kink research has taken a liberatory approach, framing kink as an exploration of sexuality, creativity, and self-discovery (Hughes & Hammack, 2019), providing insight into rationales behind kink engagement and the meaning kink has for practitioners (Simula et al., 2023).

Research into how people discover and explore their kink interests, and how some subsequently adopt a kink identity, can be summarized into two pathways: through internal/essentialist narratives, and through external/constructionist narratives (Walker & Kuperberg, 2022; Westlake & Mahan, 2023). While these two pathways do not differ based on role or immersion in kink communities (Wignall, 2022), a greater proportion of men suggest desires stem from the intrinsic self, compared with a greater proportion of women who emphasize external influences (Yost & Hunter, 2012).

Essentialist narratives highlight how kinky individuals describe their kink desires as being internal, and often appearing from an early age. Qualitative (Bezreh et al., 2012; Hughes & Hammack, 2022), quantitative (Holvoet et al., 2017), and mixed-method research (Walker & Kuperberg, 2022) found that kinky individuals described their first interest in kink between the ages of 13–15, but with some as early as four years old (Wignall, 2022). Kink interests were described as psychologically arousing, with this arousal turning sexual for most over time, and were described as “just always been a part of who I am” (Walker & Kuperberg, 2022, p. 1055). These essentialist narratives support the conceptualization of kink as a form of sexual orientation (Gemberling et al., 2015; Moser, 2016), and broader awareness of sexual desire (Herdt & McClintock, 2000).

Alternatively, constructionist narratives suggest that kink interests stem from external factors including being introduced into kink through others, normally a sexual partner (e.g., Newmahr, 2011), introduced through popular culture, such as through television shows or internet chat rooms (Walker & Kuperberg, 2022), and through pornography or social media (Wignall, 2019). Constructionist narratives support the framing of kink as a form of “serious leisure”; that is, an interest/hobby that people enjoy participating and investing in (Newmahr, 2011; Prior & Williams, 2015; Williams & Sprott, 2022).

Merging these perspectives, Hughes and Hammack (2022) reported findings from an international survey into the origin narratives of kinky individuals, finding evidence of both essentialist and constructionist narratives. Indeed, some participants provided responses that included both narratives (e.g., kink interests were dormant but awakened through exposure to pornography; subsequent kink engagement with others created social bonds and reduced stress levels). Hence there is evidence that individuals engage with different cultural narratives about sexual identity as they enter kink subcultures. In the current study, we sought to examine the way in which participants in the pup subculture constructed narratives of discovery that emphasized a more essentialist or constructionist perspective on kink identities and practices.

Pup as Subculture

Narrative theories of sexual identity development emphasize how sexual stories are not simply located within individuals. Rather, they are constructed as individuals engage in social practices which offer the languages, rituals, and relationships that provide the personal narrative with coherence and intelligibility within a larger cultural landscape of possible sexual stories (Hammack, 2008; Hammack & Cohler, 2009; Plummer, 1995). In this study, we considered pup play as constitutive of a distinct subculture, with its own practices, rituals, and language. Our analytic focus was then on the way in which those who participate in the subculture discover it and are motivated to become and maintain (or not maintain) a connection to it.

Subcultures are groups of people who operate within a broader culture and experience some form of marginalization or separation from dominant cultural norms. Members of subcultures have shared beliefs, interests, norms, and behaviors (Williams & Schwarz, 2020), often having boundaries that separate them from other (sub)cultures, shared geographical spaces (online or offline), and require investment for subcultural membership (Wignall, 2022). While subcultures were initially understood through frameworks of deviancy and resistance to dominant cultures, more recent perspectives highlight subcultures as ways to generate distinction and foster unique social identities (Bennett & Kahn-Harris, 2020; Williams, 2011).

There are significant benefits for individuals who are part of a subculture. For example, members can create and explore unique identities within subcultures, generating positive distinctiveness and allowing opportunities for authentic identity expressions (e.g., Andersen, 2022; Dupont, 2020). Subcultures also provide a support network of people, often friends, who can offer information and advice related to the subculture (Barrett et al., 2012), but also give support outside of subcultural settings (Kubicek et al., 2013). This can often lead to feelings of community and cohesion within subcultures, as often marginalized people come together to create their own sense of belonging (Kempson, 2015). However, it is important to note that there can be negatives associated with subcultural engagement, such as the spread of misinformation (notable during the COVID-19 pandemic, see Ashford et al., 2022), or the perpetuation of abuse and violence (Conner & MacMurrary, 2022).

There are numerous examples of sexual subcultures, from more established examples of gay, lesbian, and queer subcultures (e.g., Chauncey, 1994; Greene, 2022; Stein, 1997), to more niche sexual subcultures of swingers (Kimberly, 2016; Vaynman, 2023), incels (Costello et al., 2023), and littles (Tiidenberg & Paasonen, 2019). Sexual subcultures provide a setting for people to explore sexual identities that are potentially stigmatized and sometimes illegal depending on the historical setting or geographical location (e.g., Norton, 2005; Rubin, 1981). In doing so, unique languages and codes of behavior have developed (see Leap & Boellstorff, 2004), alongside physical spaces in many metropolitan cities (Ghaziani, 2014), digital spaces (e.g., Tziallas, 2015), and cultural media primarily aimed at sexual subcultures (e.g., McCormack & Wignall, 2022). Sexual subcultures serve to provide a sense of community and belonging (Hennen, 2008).

There are numerous examples of sexual subcultures, from more established examples of gay, lesbian, and queer subcultures (e.g., Chauncey, 1994; Greene, 2022; Stein, 1997), to more niche sexual subcultures of swingers (Kimberly, 2016; Vaynman, 2023), incels (Costello et al., 2023), and littles (Tiidenberg & Paasonen, 2019). Sexual subcultures provide a setting for people to explore sexual identities that are potentially stigmatized and sometimes illegal depending on the historical setting or geographical location (e.g., Norton, 2005; Rubin, 1981). In doing so, unique languages and codes of behavior have developed (see Leap & Boellstorff, 2004), alongside physical spaces in many metropolitan cities (Ghaziani, 2014), digital spaces (e.g., Tziallas, 2015), and cultural media primarily aimed at sexual subcultures (e.g., McCormack & Wignall, 2022). Sexual subcultures serve to provide a sense of community and belonging (Hennen, 2008).

As well as broad sexual subcultures, there are also examples of kink subcultures (see Simula et al., 2023). Many of these kink subcultures mirror sexual subcultures, through creating a language and code of behaviors (Newmahr, 2011; Zambelli, 2017), having physical and digital spaces to meet others and form communities (Westlake & Mahan, 2023), and providing a sense of community and belonging (Graham et al., 2016). While early research into kink subcultures described difficulty permeating the subcultural boundaries (e.g., Rubin, 1981; Weinberg, 2023), the internet has provided an easier pathway to accessing kink subcultures (see Wignall, 2022, 2023). One such example of a kink subculture that has developed in part through the internet is the kink subculture of pup play.

The Current Study

This study is the first to apply a distinct conceptual lens rooted in narrative and subculture to interrogate the experience of individuals who engage in pup play. Anchored in a constructivist and interpretive epistemology that recognizes the way in which the culture and individual are co-constituted through language and discourse, we sought to situate these stories in relation to broader trends in the expansion of narratives related to sexual and gender diversity in the twenty-first century. Our research question was: What themes characterize the narratives of discovery, meaning, and motivation among members of the pup subculture?

Method

Participants

Six hundred and forty-seven participants were recruited as part of a larger mixed-methods study on the experiences of people who engage in pup play. Data for 79 participants who did not complete the open-ended questions we analyzed for this report were removed prior to analysis. The final sample consisted of 568 participants (average age 31.2 years [SD: 9.6, range 18–79]). Gender and sexual identity labels are displayed in Table 1. Other than those who stated their gender as “trans man” or “trans woman,” an additional 81 participants identified as transgender or as having a transgender history (32 men, 3 women, 30 nonbinary participants, and 16 people who identified as genderfluid, genderqueer, or agender). Most of the sample identified as men, consistent with pup play and pup subcultures originating in communities of gay, bisexual, and queer men (Lawson & Langdridge, 2020; Wignall & McCormack, 2017). Participants self-reported ethnicities using their own words, which we utilize in the Results section. We aggregated these responses according to common racial/ethnic categorizations, which resulted in the following breakdown: White (n = 466), Biracial (n = 36), Asian (n = 22), Hispanic (n = 11), and Other (n = 33). Participants were predominantly from North America (n = 316), Europe (n = 159), and Australia (n = 70), with some participants from Asia (n = 8), Africa (n = 7), and South America (n = 2).

Table 1 Gender and sexuality information of participants
Full size table

Procedure and Materials

Data were collected between March 2022 and May 2022. To extend research on pup play beyond predominantly community samples outlined in previous research (Wignall et al., 2022), different tools for recruitment were used. An online survey was created and distributed through the authors’ pre-existing connections within international pup play communities, through an advertisement on a leading kink socio-sexual networking site (Recon.com), and through snowball sampling. Inclusion criteria specified participants engage in pup play (either as a pup, handler, or both) and must be aged 18 years or older. Those interested could access the survey through Qualtrics, a survey hosting platform, and were presented with an information sheet and consent form. The survey took approximately 30–40 min to complete; on completion, participants were thanked and could separately submit their email address into a prize draw for a $150 voucher for a leading kink online retail store based in the USA but providing international shipping. Ethical approval for the study was granted from the University of Brighton.

The survey began with demographic questions (e.g., age, gender identity, sexual identity, geographical location), followed by questions about participants’ engagement with pup play (including their role as a pup/handler and their sexual and social motivations for pup play). Participants then completed several psychometric scales, including the Kink Orientation Scale, The Sociosexuality Scale, and the Autism-Spectrum Quotient Short Form. For the purposes of this paper, only the responses to the following open-ended questions were analyzed:

  1. 1.

    Please share the story of how you discovered pup play or the pup community. Please share such details as how old you were, where you were, and how you came to feel connected to pup play or the pup community. Please provide as much detail as you can.

  2. 2.

    Imagine you are explaining pup play to someone who has never heard of it. What would you say?

  3. 3.

    Why do you engage in pup play?

After each question, participants were provided with an open text box to write their response.

Data Analysis

Data were analyzed using inductive thematic analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2013). Responses were downloaded from Qualtrics, examined closely by the authors to ensure quality control, and organized into Word documents. For question 1, there were 260 responses (mean length 64 words; smallest response 1 word; largest response 470 words); for question 2, there were 425 responses (mean length 26 words; smallest response 1 word; largest response 264 words); for question 3, there were 430 responses (mean length 13 words; smallest response 1 word; largest response 138 words). The authors independently read and initially coded the responses to the three questions, providing succinct summaries of each response. Initial codes were grouped together to form potential themes. The authors then compared and discussed the themes in-depth, before refining the themes and comparing them back to the original data to confirm internal coherence.

For reflexivity and to acknowledge positionality, we note that the authors both identify as cisgender, White gay men who have experience with pup play and kink communities, making both authors conditional insiders in broader pup play communities. This status was an asset in our ability to make meaning of the narrative data provided and understand some of the responses by participants (e.g., reference to international pup play events or use of specific pup play related terminology). While the authors conducted thematic analysis inductively, there is the potential for author positions and experiences to force responses into preconceived trends within research on kink. To address this, an external researcher also conducted a thematic analysis of one of the questions and compared their findings with the researchers. There was good internal coherence between the analyses (Madill et al., 2000).

Results

Our thematic analysis yielded four major stories about the experience and meaning of the pup subculture for participants. First, narratives of discovery revealed the centrality of social technologies. Second, narratives supported a constructionist, rather than essentialist, account of kink identity development in which relationships and exposure to other kink communities was central. Third, narratives revealed individual psychological benefits of participation in the subculture such as stress relief, relaxation, and pleasure. Finally, our analysis revealed that participation in the subculture conferred social psychological benefits related to identity and community building. Below we provide data excerpts which illustrate each of these four stories. We remind the reader that descriptions of racial/ethnic background were provided by respondents in their own words, and we retain those descriptions here.

Story 1: Social Technologies are Central to Narratives of Discovery of the Pup Subculture

Consistent with the recognition that twenty-first century sexual stories have benefitted from heightened accessibility via social technologies (e.g., Hammack & Manago, 2024; Hammack & Wignall, 2023), participant narratives revealed the centrality of online settings as sites of discovery of the pup subculture. Visual stimuli encountered online demonstrating gear and behavior associated with the subculture were narrated as a key means of discovery. The following excerpts illustrate:

I first was introduced to pup play while perusing content for sexual gratification. A video containing a pair of men in puppy hoods was recommended via the streaming service I was using and from then I searched for it during porn searches. (21, bisexual, male, Chinese Malaysian)

I saw a bondage video recommended to me from the YouTube channel “Watts the Safeword” and I looked through their videos and found pup play videos and I was hooked. (19, queer, nonbinary, White)

For these individuals, the online discovery of visual stimuli constituted the core of their discovery narratives of the subculture and initiated a process of subculture exploration. As with other subcultures, aesthetics and style are key as achieved through fashion and other material accessories (Williams, 2024). In these narratives, we see the significance of exposure to the aesthetic associated with the subculture.

Beyond exposure online, however, most respondents narrated their encounter via social media, identifying such platforms as Tumblr, Twitter/X, Instagram, Recon, and Grindr. Hence their narratives centered the experience of interactive engagement with other members of the subculture in virtual spaces.

When I was about 15, I was scrolling on Instagram and came across a page made by a pup. They showed themselves chewing on toys and rolling around. This was my first ever introduction to pup play and although it seemed super bizarre, I couldn’t help but find it adorable. I then realized there was a whole community behind it and became infatuated with everything pup play. I learned a lot about the kink scene and it served as a gateway to all my other kinks. (20, pansexual, transmasc, White)

While this participant acknowledged an initial pejorative response to displays of pup identity as “super bizarre,” the encounter through social media provoked the recognition of an entire community that they found appealing. The result was that the discovery of the pup subculture through social media constituted the “gateway” to their larger comfort with their kinky desires and practices and the likely shedding of their internalized stigma about kink.

Twitter and Tumblr have both been well documented for their role in the dispersion of new sexual stories in the 2010s. Tumblr has been documented as a site of key support in the 2010s for those diverse in gender and sexuality (e.g., Cavalcante, 2019; Haimson et al., 2021), and Twitter has been documented for its explicit role in the growth of the pup subculture in the 2010s (Wignall, 2017). Thus we were not surprised to find that these two social media platforms were highlighted in the discovery narratives of our respondents.

I discovered pup play through Twitter and later through a local pup group. I was a lonely 27-year-old professional seeking a place within a community of like-minded adults. I purchased my first hood and found my inner pup. I knew it was a community I wanted to be a part of. (31, gay/demisexual, male, White)

I discovered pup play at 13 on Tumblr and became really fascinated with the culture around it and how people behaved. Later, I became more aware of pups and began speaking to them. I got a pup hood out of curiosity and found the mindset immediately which was quite surprising and exciting. Now I go to pup events and have quite a few pup friends. (19, gay, nonbinary, White)

For these participants, the discovery of pup play on social media inspired them to develop their interests and pursue identity and community with likeminded others, both online and in-person. These forms of social technology provided a context for respondents to discover not only the existence of the pup subculture and the accessories associated with it, but also the concepts of identity and community that the subculture provided for individuals.

Story 2: Narratives of Discovery Support Constructionist Accounts of Kink Identity Development

Research has found evidence that individuals call upon both essentialist and constructionist narratives as they describe their kink identity development (e.g., Hughes & Hammack, 2022; Yost & Hunter, 2012). Our analysis revealed that members of the pup subculture narrated discovery through a constructionist frame in which they express agency and intentionality as they encounter the subculture, often through relationships and experiences with other kink communities.

One common narrative pathway of discovery occurred with an initial in-person observation, which then led to curiosity and exploration prior to pursuing identity and community within the subculture.

I was 27, attending the 2020 Mardi Gras parade and saw the pup float. I talked to some pups at the after party and was curious so I joined a Facebook group and learnt of their online social engagement as the pandemic began. I got involved. Talked to folks. Found a partner and a pup persona and really enjoyed myself. From there I just got involved in more kink and more pup stuff and it’s been two years. I love it immensely. Found a lot of friends and a great group I get to call a family of diverse folks. (29, gay/queer, male, Indonesian-Chinese)

For many who narrated in-person discovery, the encounter led them directly into a community of pups.

I was looking for housing in [American City] and it just so happened that there was [a big kink event]. A friend of mine was going up there for the event and said he would introduce me to all his friends to give me a good social foundation as a new guy in the city. That Saturday, a local pack was having a friends and family brunch at their kennel. I was struck by how friendly, playful, and affectionate the pups were as well as the bond they shared. Something about it really spoke to me and I knew I wanted to try it. (35, gay, male, White)

For these and other participants, in-person exposure to the subculture provided the impetus to explore further. This exposure sometimes occurred through their engagement with other kink communities, especially furry communities. This connection is commensurate with the similarities between these kinks, which include role-playing animals and taking on identities or alter personas (e.g., Brooks et al., 2024).

I found the pup community through the furry fandom. I was walking around [a furry event] and noticed people with hoods on. I was initially weirded out by the pup hoods because I knew they had some sort of sex connotation connected to it. However later through 2020, I was still figuring out myself and my first sexual experience was with a pup. We had a good talk about what it was all about, and it made me understand the headspace a little bit more. Later through 2021, I saw that Mr. S leather was holding a sale on pup hoods. So, I decided to get one myself. It felt really comfortable in while wearing it, and I honestly felt so calm while wearing my hood. Just like the furry fandom I felt welcomed no matter the race, age, body type or anything about you. All pups are brought in with open arms. Because of this, it made me feel way better about my body and my sexuality. (19, bisexual, male, Asian)

Highlighting the experience of inclusivity common to both the furry and pup subcultures, this participant narrated a process of discovery through active, agentic steps of immersion—a narrative that highlights extrinsic engagement associated with constructionist narratives of kink identity development. A pup identity is not experienced as awakened from within, as might occur in more essentialist narratives. Rather, it is gradually discovered through exposure to the subculture and its social and psychological benefits.

Constructionist accounts of kink identity development often foreground discovery through intimate relationships or sexual encounters (e.g., Yost & Hunter, 2012). Our respondents also narrated this pattern, in which experiences in relationships then led to curiosity and exploration.

When I was 17 and I met a first guy that I wanted to be my Dom, he introduced me to the idea of pup play—I think partially because I was young and partially because I was quite perky and all over the place and it reminded him of an actual dog. I googled it, watched some porn, looked at the gear. It looked adorable and hot and I thought why not give it a go. So I bought myself a tail from the internet, got an actual collar and leash from a pet shop and played around with it, mostly on my own originally. When I moved to the UK, I started engaging more with the community and pup play as a thing. I got my first handler and pack, started going to Collared, made friends and for about 2–3 year all of my friends were only from the pup community. (25, queer, male, White)

This and other participants narrated the significance of an intimate relationship in the discovery of the pup subculture, which then initiated a process of pup identity and community exploration. Such narratives highlight the constructionist nature of kink identities, in which individuals make meaning of their desires as they encounter ideas and opportunities in their cultural environment.

Story 3: Participation in the Pup Subculture Confers Individual Psychological Benefits Related to Stress Relief, Relaxation, and Pleasure

Our analysis of responses to questions about definitions of pup play and motivations to engage in it revealed that individuals narrated a powerful individual psychological benefit of participation in the subculture. Namely, pup play was framed as a form of relaxation and stress relief that served therapeutic ends in the context of a psychologically demanding everyday reality. Narratives of participants highlighted the way in which subculture membership and participation facilitated coping with the stresses of everyday life by providing a form of escape through embodying the carefree mindset of a puppy.

[Pup play is] an escape from the stress of life, a whole different world where deadlines and bills do not exist. (32, gay, demi-boy, White)

I do pup play to be able to relax and switch off from work, stress, the “real world” and just think about playing, being on a leash, getting scritches, very basic needs being filled. (28, bisexual, male, White)

For these and other participants, pup play provided the opportunity to escape the demands of human living and free one’s mind from life’s pressures. Such narratives reveal the psychological benefit of pup play as individuals navigate daily stressors and life challenges.

Many respondents were explicit that such psychological benefits are experienced as therapeutic.

Pup play is therapeutic for me, offering comfort and security. It is a different sense of freedom. It’s allowing yourself the ability to relax and give up the stress and anxiety tied to being human- even if just for a little while. (24, pansexual, agender, White)

Pup play is therapeutic and adventurous. It is a break from my daily stress, and a chance to decompress. (30, pansexual, male, White)

In highlighting these therapeutic elements, participants emphasized the sense of afforded freedom due to the lack of set rules involved in pup play, the focus on instinctual thinking (e.g., obeying orders), and the playful elements of power exchange.

I think for me, pup play is a way to disengage from everyday life and sink into an alter ago. I think the safety of the pup hood is also a bit of a therapeutic device for me. (25, gay, male, Mixed)

Beyond stress relief, respondents narrated the psychological benefits of pup play in the pure experience of pleasure, fun, and enjoyment. Several participants simply answered “It’s fun” when describing pup play, but others expanded.

[Pup play] makes me feel like I am free to just have fun and display my emotions in a purer way. (24, gay, male, White)

Pup play is a fun, relaxing break from reality [which] takes you out of the chains of being an adult and lets you just be free and have fun. It’s not just sexual, it’s fun and enjoyable. (26, pansexual, male, White)

These and other narratives provided by respondents revealed the way in which pup play was narrated as having individual psychological benefits related to pleasure and stress reduction. In the context of a complex social world framed by pressures to act and succeed in specific ways, individuals benefitted from the opportunity to dissociate through the enactment of pup play.

Story 4: Participation in the Pup Subculture Confers Social Psychological Benefits Related to Identity and Community Building

The final theme we discovered in our analysis was that members of the pup subculture narrated the social psychological benefits of identity and community building. Participation in the subculture provided the opportunity to connect with likeminded others on both social and sexual levels.

Pup play is about having the freedom to connect with a group of like-minded people and allows people to take control or take charge over you as a pup if you so wish it… Pup play is about your self-expression coming to life and being able to relax within a community of people who feel similar, in both a social and/or sexual setting. (22, gay, male, White)

There are too many reasons to list why I take part in pup play, but the community is so friendly, and it’s helped me tons regarding self and sexual discovery. (18, gay, nonbinary, White)

For these and other participants, participation in the subculture provided the context for identity and community connection which is central especially to those who identify with minoritized sexual or gender identities. The experience of positive identity and community has been documented as a source of resilience for those who experience minoritization on account of sexual and gender diversity (e.g., Fingerhut et al., 2010; Salfas et al., 2019; Tatum, 2016), and thus the participants in our study narrated a particular benefit to membership in this distinct subculture.

Finally, while not a theme, one participant recognized the most important rationale for engaging in pup play:

Pup play is a kink with snacks involved, and who doesn’t love snacks? (34, gay, agender, White)

Discussion

The twenty-first century has been a time of flourishing for new forms of sexual and gender diversity (Hammack & Wignall, 2023), as well as heightened visibility for forms of sexual diversity once considered within the realm of deviance or pathology (Wignall, 2022). The pup subculture represents one example of this new sexual culture made manifest in the identities, practices, and communities being intentionally formed this century.

This study provided an in-depth, qualitative exploration of peoples’ motivations for engaging in pup play and developing deep identification with pup play subcultures and identities. Previous research has documented the dynamics and ethos of pup play as an activity, social identity, and community, alongside how meaning is developed in what amounts to a serious leisure activity that facilitates erotic connection and intimacy in a broader social context where grand narratives of community and identity hold less power (Wignall, 2022). It is in this context that our study examined the pathways people took to become part of pup play subculture, and their motivations to become and then stay involved in it. Our findings revealed four central stories: (1) the centrality of social technologies in discovery of the subculture; (2) constructionist accounts of pup identity development and subculture membership; (3) individual psychological benefits of subculture membership in the provision of stress relief, relaxation, and pleasure; and (4) social psychological benefits of subculture membership in identity and community building.

Participants’ routes into pup play reflect research into how people discover and participate in kink more generally (e.g., Hughes & Hammack, 2022; Westlake & Mahan, 2023). While the internet provides pathways for people to explore kink activities and engage with kink subcultures (Rubinsky, 2018), our findings emphasized the continued importance of interacting with others as a means of social reproduction to creating subcultures (e.g., Kao, 2013). Indeed, participants may have initially learned about pup play through the internet but recognized the physical and interactive nature of pup play, and the need to engage in the activity with others.

While participants’ encountering pup play online was unsurprising, the platforms used by participants expand upon previous research. Online platforms which feature sexual content, including Tumblr, Twitter/X, pornography sites, and online chat forums, have been identified as key ways kinky people discover and explore their sexuality (Walker & Kuperberg, 2022; Wignall, 2022). However, participants also identified non-sexual online platforms as their route into pup play, highlighting Instagram and YouTube. These sites ban sexual content, often including content on sex education or even discussing sexual content (Are, 2022; Mayworm et al., 2024). This raises interesting questions about the sexual/social nature of pup play, and kink more broadly, and the complexity involved in regulating sexual content online.

The pup subculture has had sustained growth in popularity, with an increasing presence of pup play at LGBTQ + pride marches internationally, more pup play gear at sex shops, and representation of pup play in popular media (see Wignall, 2022). Understanding how participants found pup play can demonstrate the consequence of increased visibility of kink subcultures. Historically, this increased visibility has been somewhat detrimental, leading to stigma towards kinky people (Khan, 2014; Ortmann & Sprott, 2013), particularly from more dominant sexual minorities (Rubin, 1981). Continued research is needed on the pup subculture, particularly longitudinal research, to examine the impact of increased popularity and visibility.

Participants’ motivations for engaging in pup play were deeply psychological. The first component of this is related to the therapeutic and relaxing nature of pup play. The impact of life stressors, particularly smaller daily stressors, has been shown to be detrimental to health and wellbeing (e.g., DeLongis et al., 1988; Mroczek & Almeida, 2004; Richardson, 2017), with several participants referencing the stressors they experienced in their lives. Pup play was used by some participants to deal with daily stressors, akin to how meditation (e.g., Mohan et al., 2011) or leisure pursuits are used (Caltabiano, 1994).

The second psychological motivation of pup play is through the benefits of finding a community or chosen family within the pup subculture. Research has established how sexual minorities can experience unique stressors due to their sexual minority status (Frost & Meyer, 2023). These stressors can range from the more distal (such as navigating heteronormativity as a cultural system) to more proximal (such as direct violence or explicit prejudice based on sexuality and/or gender)(Tebbe et al., 2016). Some of this stress can be mitigated through a strong sense of sexual identity (Jaspal & Breakwell, 2014), alongside a support network (Jackson Levin et al., 2020). Participants in our study described how the pup subculture provided a sense of belonging, community, and identity, akin to other kink subcultures (e.g., Newmahr, 2011). Through a subcultural theory lens, future research could further explore the psychological benefits of subcultural membership for sexual minorities.

Our study illustrates how sexual subcultures are made through a process of narrative identity development (Hammack & Cohler, 2009) in which individuals are drawn to the practices and aesthetics of a group, remaining and engaging further because of the social and psychological benefits they receive through their participation (Wignall, 2023). Yet this narration and connection to subculture provokes interesting questions about how pup play develops as a subculture and community, and how this connects with sexual identity development more broadly in the twenty-first century. Our study reveals pathways supporting a constructionist and agentic approach to identity development, highlighting creativity and intentionality in the way in which individuals make meaning of sexuality and intimacy as they navigate a narrative landscape that is increasingly vast and challenges essentialist binaries and categories of the prior century.

There are several limitations in this study. The survey was advertised through different social networks, yet the predominantly community-based sample means that the findings cannot be generalized to all people who engage in pup play. Relatedly, the sample was comprised of predominantly White, cisgender, gay men; while typical of pup play communities (Matchett & Berkowitz, 2023; Wignall et al., 2022), further research with diverse samples is needed.

There are also general limitations with online survey methodology, such as potential sampling biases, spam/false submissions, and high dropout rates (Van Selm & Jankowski, 2006). Qualitative/free text questions on surveys can also pose unique challenges, with the potential for individuals to misinterpret questions or write limited responses. While participants in the current study provided short/limited responses when describing pup play and their motivations for engagement, they also provided long answers when asked about how they discovered the pup community. Longer response could be explained by including “please provide as much detail as you can” in the question and may be a useful question framing for future research using open-ended questions on surveys.