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Migrant Remittances and Demand for Redistribution

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Abstract

The literature on the political economy of remittances largely agrees that as households receive income from migrants abroad they will be less dependent on government goods and patronage. The underlying assumption is that remittance inflows are stable and increasing. The global economic recession of 2008 and 2009 led to major declines in remittance inflows. This paper asks two different but related questions: (1) Do remittance recipients support redistribution? and (2) Do preferences for redistribution change following a negative shock to remittances? Using three waves of survey data, I find that remittance recipients diverge from non-recipients in favoring redistribution following the sudden decline in remittances. I test for possible mechanisms such as dependence on remittances and relative income levels to explain this change in preferences. I find that remittance recipients who are more dependent on remittances or not inclined to emigrate are more likely to favor redistribution following the negative shock.

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Notes

  1. Frankel (2011) shows how remittance levels rise and decline responding to home-country economic performance. O'Mahony (2013) and Nyblade and O'Mahony (2014) show the remittance inflows rise during election years. Tertytchnaya et al. (2018) use panel data to analyze remittance fluctuations on incumbent approval in Kyrgyzstan.

  2. See Mosley and Singer (2015).

  3. Tertytchnaya et al. (2018) is an exception.

  4. I thank the anonymous reviewer for raising this point.

  5. In Latin America and the Caribbean, Honduras is the highest ranked in remittance inflows as a percentage of GDP. El Salvador (2nd), Guatemala (7th), and the Dominican Republic (9th) are in the top 10. Nicaragua (6th) has the majority of its emigrants residing in neighboring Costa Rica. The other countries in the top 10 are not included in past surveys of LAPOP: Guyana (2nd), Haiti (4th), Jamaica (5th), and Grenada (8th) (Ratha et al. 2011: 28).

  6. Paraguayan migrants tend to settle in Brazil and Argentina (Ratha et al. 2011: 203).

  7. See Fajnzylber and Lopez (2008) and Ratha et al. (2011).

  8. Figure 6 in the Appendix shows the full distribution of the responses with the original scale for each country-year in the sample.

  9. Latinobarometer only asks about remittances in 2009.

  10. There was no data for 2008 in Honduras. I used data for 2007 as a proxy for 2008 in Honduras. This means that the 2-year change in 2010 is based on 2007.

  11. The amount of remittances relative to income or dependence on remittances would be ideal variables for this mechanism, but such questions were not asked in the LAPOP surveys. Dependence is not asked in 2012 in all countries. Amounts are not asked at all.

  12. By non-employed, I mean those who are currently not working. I do not differentiate between those not working and those not working but seeking employment.

  13. The surveys do not ask about job loss for every country-year.

  14. I also ran the same analyses calculating income distance from the median for each country-year. The results are consistent.

  15. One worry is that the national mean changes over time, especially during economic crisis. What is important for my analysis is comparing remittance receivers and non-receivers, and their respective distance to the national mean in a given year.

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Correspondence to Jesse Acevedo.

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Appendix

Appendix

Fig. 6
figure 6

Distribution of responses: should the government implement strong policies to reduce income inequality?

Table 8 Variable descriptions from LAPOP surveys
Table 9 Summary statistics
Table 10 Contextual variables
Table 11 Employment, remittances, and redistribution
Table 12 Income distance, remittances, and redistribution
Table 13 Balance tests for matching model 1 (bare model) from Table 3
Table 14 Balance tests for matching model (full) from Table 3

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Acevedo, J. Migrant Remittances and Demand for Redistribution. St Comp Int Dev 55, 403–435 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12116-020-09309-2

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