Abstract
We present a history of Sociology in Nigeria, within the context of intellectual imperialism and the problems of the colonial library. The development of the discipline in Nigeria took place with a great deal of dependence on Western intellectual and financial resources, which led to what some critics have termed the “captive mind.” This is an intellectual posture whereby Western theory is uncritically embraced, while concepts developed internally are harshly judged or ignored. After reviewing these challenges, we turn to consider some of the most promising and innovative contributions to emerge from within Nigerian sociology, providing for “endogenous theory” that has much to offer a wider global sociological dialogue. We note that such theories can take root from pre-colonial indigenous sources, as well as finding inspiration in the current post-colonial realities that mark these times. Building on these cases, we follow Adesina’s call for a “sociology beyond despair,” arguing for the intellectual and moral imperative of building theories inside of Nigeria and outside of the mold of Western assumptions, while still using and contributing productively to global sociology. To help build on this worthy goal, we consider delimiting the role of Western theories rather than eliminating them, while utilizing the rich potential of “abductive analysis” as a route to furthering endogenous sociological knowledge.
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Notes
Historical records state that the first Nigerian to obtain a sociology degree was Nathaniel Akinrami Fadipe (1970), author of “Sociology of the Yoruba,” who obtained his degree at the University of London in 1939.
It was the first university established in Nigeria in 1948 and was initially called the University College, Ibadan, an arm of the University College of London; before it became a fully fledged institution in Nigeria in 1960. It was not until 1964 that the discipline gained autonomy from other social sciences, therefore becoming a standalone department within the institution (Onwuzuruigbo, 2018).
This theme was no doubt inspired by Robert Lynd’s (1939) question “knowledge for what?” as to the broader purpose of Sociology beyond the narrow concerns of the ivory tower.
This was made even worse through the hostility of state leaders towards sociology. For instance, ex-president “Obasanjo… once chided Nigerian youths for studying sociology… [this perception is pervasive as] Nigerian leaders are yet to see any wisdom in studying sociology” (Onwuzuruigbo, 2018: 841).
Retribalization is defined as “a process by which a group… within the framework of a formal political system, manipulate some customs, values, myths, symbols and ceremonials from their cultural tradition in order to articulate an informal political organisation which is used as a weapon in that struggle” (Cohen, 1969:2, cited in Jinadu, 1994:145).
Despite this reality, the depth and complexity of Akiwowo’s social thought is still celebrated by modern scholars as evidenced by the work of Omobowale (2010).
We thank an anonymous reviewer who pointed out that the correct translation of “idagbe” would actually be “living alone,” which would have been a semantic error by Akiwowo himself.
However, Omobowale and Akanle (2017) would disagree with this critique, as they illustrate the complexity and depth of Akiwowo’s asuwada model very convincingly.
Sztompka (2011), after having read Akiwowo and others, claims “I still have not found a single, convincing case of a new indigenous theory” (p 39).
Akinyede (2019) has explored these competing modes of primordial, tribal, ethnic identity and group loyalty, to that of the wider civic, national identity of “Nigerian,” within a small sample of the Yoruba. Here, traditional tribal identities, community and family structures, and ethnic ties run deep, creating fractionalized groups that are a challenge to realizing a National imaginary.
We thank an anonymous reviewer for pointing out this important insight in the work of Ekeh.
These women who become wives to the female husband are not restricted from conventional relationships with the male sex. Amadiume asserts that the female husbands encourage their wives to create their own families outside their role and are financially supported by their female husbands.
Interestingly Canadian sociologists have been grappling with many of the same themes discussed in Adesina’s (2005, 2006) work. Ralph Matthews (2014), for example, wants to distinguish between Canadian sociology, and merely “sociology in Canada,” very much along the same conceptual lines. Canadian sociologists have also worried about ceding disciplinary ground to instrumental training and vocational programs. Sociology in Canada also strives to find its own voice separate from theories out of Europe and its neighbour and central institutional power in sociology, the United States.
For example, Akinyede (2019) made use of the very broad interactionist concept of self and identity theory to understand ethno-national dynamics in Nigeria. Comparing this research with other fragmented processes of identity formation, broadly conceived, in other similar contexts could be very fruitful.
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We thank Lawrence Nichols for his encouragement and fine editorial work. We also thank Neil McLaughlin, Kyle Siler, and two anonymous reviewers for their detailed comments to help us correct and improve on this article.
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Akinyede, O., Puddephatt, A. Reflecting on the History of Sociology in Nigeria: Strategies to Enhance Endogenous Theory within a Global Dialogue. Am Soc 52, 610–637 (2021). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12108-021-09486-0
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s12108-021-09486-0