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The implicative structure of Asama verb paradigms

A quantitative study of segmental and suprasegmental alternations

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Abstract

Formal and computational linguistics can enhance descriptive linguistics of endangered languages by providing them with precise models and quantitative perspectives. We exemplify the benefits of such an approach with the case of Asama’s verb inflectional morphology. We show that a Word-and-Paradigm framework can provide interesting insights and allow for both the identification and the quantification of the sources of uncertainty in the implicative relations within Asama’s verb paradigms. We describe Asama’s verb morphology by considering whole forms rather than exponents only, and we factor its alternation patterns in two types: segmental alternations and suprasegmental alternations. Measures of Shannon’s conditional entropy are then used to estimate the respective contributions of these factors to the complexity of the system. Suprasegmental alternations turn out to be the major source of uncertainty in implicative relations, and vowel length and tone alternations cannot be treated separately but strongly interact. We also show how the principal parts of the inflectional system can be determined with conditional entropy measures of n-ary implicative relations.

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Notes

  1. See however Jacques et al. (2012), Snoek et al. (2014), Crysmann (2016), Harrigan et al. (2017), Pellard and Yamada (2017), Chen et al. (2020) or Wilmoth and Mansfield (2021) for interesting exceptions.

  2. See also the study on Russian noun inflection by Guzmán Naranjo (2020) and on Pitjantjatjara and Yankunytjatjara by Wilmoth and Mansfield (2021) that also consider different conditioning factors of inflection pattern.

  3. Verbs with a non-past form consisting of a single syllable, such as njuiLH ‘to boil’ or jˀuiH ‘to say’, are very few in number and are highly irregular, and they have thus been excluded from the present study. Two other lexemes, kamjuiLH ‘to eat’ and sɨbujuiH ‘to squeeze’, have also been excluded due to contradictory data.

  4. See Niinaga (2014, 2015), van der Lubbe and Tokunaga (2015), Yokoyama Tokunaga (2017).

  5. See Blevins (2016) for a recent general overview of the topic.

  6. Here we base our analyses on phonological forms akin to lexical representations, rather than on surface phonetic forms or underlying morphophonological ones.

  7. We use the symbol ⇒ to denote implicative relationships, i.e. the implication that for any lexeme L, if the set of morphosyntactic features ϕ is realised by x, then the set of morphosyntactic features ψ is realised by y is noted [ϕ:xψ:y] (Bonami, 2014, 86). Braces ({…}) indicate sets of alternative forms.

  8. We thus follow the way set by an increasing number of works on well-described (Beniamine et al., 2021) or under-described (Jacques et al., 2012; Snoek et al., 2014; Crysmann, 2016; Harrigan et al., 2017; Pellard & Yamada, 2017; Chen et al., 2020) languages and acknowledge the “insufficiency of paper-and-pencil linguistics” (Karttunen, 2006).

  9. Except for some recent loanwords.

  10. Recall however that these cells were arbitrarily chosen as representative of full interpredictibility zones, so that other actual pairs of cells also constitute valid principal parts.

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Acknowledgements

The authors would like to thank their main informant, Okamura Takahiro, who has for several decades devoted his time to the documentation and preservation of his native language. We also thank the two anonymous reviewers as well as the editor for their useful comments.

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Correspondence to Thomas Pellard.

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Lévêque, D., Pellard, T. The implicative structure of Asama verb paradigms. Morphology 33, 261–286 (2023). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11525-023-09410-x

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11525-023-09410-x

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