Abstract
While the principled case for humanitarian accountability is relatively straightforward, the practice is demonstrably more complicated, necessitating constant negotiation among stakeholders. However, despite the wave of research into nongovernmental accountability, few empirical studies have grappled with the phenomenon’s inherently contested nature. This paper foregrounds tensions arising in the elaboration of nonprofit accountability. Its approach is informed by critical constructivist theory, an international relations approach attuned to social power, identity and exclusion, and conceptual contestation; its conclusions are supported by interview data with key stakeholders. Focusing on the Humanitarian Accountability Partnership (HAP) International, it finds that initial consensus on the desirability of beneficiary (downward) accountability quickly gave way to principled disagreements and operational difficulties. Specifically, the initiation stage of HAP was marked by two conflicts—a debate about enforcement and a turf war over control—culminating in rebranding and relocation. The implementation stage was characterized by tensions over certification and intra-organizational struggles over leadership. The contemporary practice of accountability is shown to be a contingent and contested social process, with humanitarian identity and practice ultimately at stake.
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Notes
Action Aid, the British Red Cross Society, the British Refugee Council, CARE-UK, DFID, Merlin, ODI, Oxfam GB, RedR, Save the Children UK, and World Vision UK.
On the pilots: “It wasn’t solid research. There was a fight with the consultant, who had different views; it wasn’t testing – it was conversations. But the other issue was that Kosovo was a moving conflict. It was meant to be done in Montenegro, but the refugees literally fled the day we flew out – which, in itself, suggests that it wasn’t a good model” (O3). Another Ombudsman figure characterized the research as “highly opportunistic” (O4).
An Ombudsman staffer explained that the relocation to Geneva left the project vulnerable to forces with different interests, so it was not surprising that it fell apart. “In the UK, they could keep control” (O3).
Selected examples: At the 2nd GA meeting in 2004, a member noted that the “business case” for beneficiary accountability “has not been properly developed” (HAP 2004b). At the 6th GA in 2006, a member proposed that a “research project for HAP would be to develop a business case on why it is good to be a HAP member” (HAP 2008a). In 2010, regarding the slow pace of certification, it was asked: “What is the impact of certification on beneficiaries?” (HAP 2010a).
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Acknowledgements
This article benefited from the financial support of the Andrew Dickinson Memorial Fellowship (University of Minnesota) and the Individual Faculty Development Account (College of the Holy Cross). For helpful discussions and feedback on drafts, I thank Michael Barnett, John Borton, Elizabeth Heger Boyle, Brooke Coe, Lisa Disch, Ralitsa Donkova, Raymond (Bud) Duvall, Moira Lynch, Giovanni Mantilla, and Veronica Michel. I am also grateful to the reviewers and editors at VOLUNTAS for constructive suggestions. All errors and omissions are my own.
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The interviews conducted for this study were approved by the Institutional Review Board at the University of Minnesota as IRB #0906E68221.
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Kennedy, D. The Inherently Contested Nature of Nongovernmental Accountability: The Case of HAP International. Voluntas 30, 1393–1405 (2019). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11266-019-00134-3
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11266-019-00134-3