Abstract
Explanation is a perennially hot topic in philosophy of science. Yet philosophers have exhibited a curious blind spot to the questions of how explanatory projects develop over time, as well as what processes are involved in generating their developmental trajectories. This paper examines these questions using research into the end-Permian mass extinction as a case study. It takes as its jumping-off point the observation that explanations of historical events tend to grow more complex over time, but it goes beyond this observation by scrutinizing the processes responsible for generating this pattern. Surveying several decades of research into the end-Permian extinction, I suggest that the principal “driver” of explanation in geohistory is non-explanatory work: work that is undertaken to increase our descriptive understanding of a phenomenon, not to test a particular explanatory claim. Non-explanatory work drives explanation by imposing or eliminating demands on explanation, and by furnishing new resources for constructing explanatory models. Explanations grow more complex because (1) the demands on explanation tend to increase with ongoing characterization of the target phenomenon, and (2) characterization tends grows the roster of explanatory resources. However, the fact that non-explanatory work sometimes eliminates demands on explanation means that this trend is not irreversible. I suggest that to achieve a more rounded view of the dynamics of explanation, philosophers should ask how research into complex phenomena is organized, as well as how explanatory progress depends upon the coordination of different kinds of material and epistemic resources.
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Notes
A third option is to regard explanations ontically: that is, as nonrepresentational physical entities as opposed to representations of those entities (Wright & van Eck 2018). The present discussion presumes a non-ontic—that is, a representational—view of explanation.
I do not mean to imply that the dynamics of explanation has received no philosophical attention. The vast literature on scientific reduction contains insights on how theoretical explanations change over time (see van Riel & Van Gulick, 2019). In addition, philosophers interested in mechanisms have gone to great lengths to explore the process by which mechanistic explanations are constructed and refined (e.g., Bechtel & Richardson, 1993; Craver & Darden, 2013). The latter is the kind of inquiry I have in mind when I speak of the dynamics of explanation.
The notion of complexity in focus for Currie is causal complexity: an explanation is complex in proportion as the causal structure it represents is complex. When I speak of the complexity of explanations in this chapter, it is this notion of complexity that I intend.
Some are. Erwin and Vogel, for example, tested the causal relationship between volcanic eruptions and mass extinctions by examining the temporal proximity of “the largest, best constrained pyroclastic events” and extinction levels, and found no correlation, ostensibly disproving an explanatory hypothesis (Erwin & Vogel, 1992, p. 893).
Currie (personal communication) suggests that he is giving an ontic account of the focal pattern: since history is causally complex it demands a complex explanation, which scientists come to realize when their attempts to confirm simple hypotheses end in failure. This may be; still, his account contains observations about the investigative practices involved in the explanatory process, and it is here that I find it wanting.
These projects count as “non-explanatory” for the simple reason that they have as their immediate aim the exploration or description of a subject domain, not the testing of an explanatory hypothesis (see Feest, 2017). In some cases, it may be hard to say whether a project’s aim is description, explanation or both. That is fine: all I wish to achieve with my category of “non-explanatory work” is to pick out a set of practices whose proximate aims are straightforwardly descriptive.
The evidence for a mass extinction among plants is more equivocal, with a recent study finding no evidence of a Late Permian mass extinction (Nowak et al., 2019; for a differing view, see Retallack 1995). Still, the Permo-Triassic boundary marks a major change in floral patterns, and no coal seems to have formed in the first 10 million years of the Triassic, suggesting a major impoverishment of the flora (Benton & Newell, 2014).
For example, new continental reconstructions indicated that the supercontinent Pangea formed during the Middle Permian, too early to have caused the extinction by drift-induced reduction in marine shelf area (Erwin, 2006). Still, the idea that the extinction owed to a reduction in marine living space held on (with falling sea-levels implicated in the real estate crash), and likewise the idea that Pangea had something to do with the extinction, especially on land.
This could have triggered an extinction by bringing about rapid global cooling, and perhaps influencing sea-levels (see Campbell et al., 1992).
*Spoiler alert.
More precisely, the eruption of the Siberian Trap basalts is believed to have liberated vast amounts of carbon dioxide and sulfate aerosols, which led to runaway global warming and increased acid rainfall. It may also have liberated large amounts of methane (a potent greenhouse gas), either from contact metamorphism or from the destabilization of methane gas hydrates in underwater reservoirs. The combined effect of global warming and acid rain was to denude the landscape, causing massive erosion that flushed the shallow seas with nutrient rich soils and siliciclastic debris. This led (by an uncertain mechanism) to the spread of anoxic conditions in the sea, precipitating the marine extinction, while terrestrial extinctions “presumably resulted from aridity, acid rain, loss of soils, and perhaps short-term effects of wildfires and damage to the ozone layer” (Benton & Newell, 2014, 1314; see also Wignall, 2015).
China has a rich tradition of paleontological research in the descriptive tradition, and Chinese geologists had performed extensive work on P–Tr boundary sections prior to the warming of Chinese-western relations (Erwin personal communication). To say that China was “opened to western geologists” is therefore not to imply that the majority of knowledge of Chinese boundary sections was generated by western scientists.
This statement should perhaps be qualified to exclude Chinese geologists, whose views on the extinction were not widely known among western geologists prior to the 1990s (most articles and monographs were published in Chinese or Russian).
The end-Guadalupian mass extinction was not as severe as the end-Permian extinction, which continued to rank as “the most severe biotic crisis of all time” (Stanley & Yang, 1994, p. 1340).
The absence of complete boundary sections was in turn taken to indicate that the Tethys region had experienced a major regression, or sea-level drop, near the P–Tr boundary.
Conodonts are exclusively marine animals. They are therefore not useful for correlating (establishing a temporal correspondence) between marine and terrestrial rocks, except in rare cases where marine and terrestrial rocks interfinger.
This shift is evidently global—a fact that conodont biostratigraphy helped greatly to establish (see Erwin, 1993, Ch. 7). Because of this, the carbon swing can be used to mark the P–Tr boundary; something that is especially useful in sections that lack fossils.
Flood basalt eruptions are not like the eruption of Vesuvius that Pliny witnessed—an explosive event that blasted rock, ash and volcanic gasses high into the stratosphere. In a flood basalt eruption, runny lavas ooze out of fissures in the ground to form large sheets of igneous rock called basalt. The Siberian eruptions were particularly profligate of basalt, exuding enough lava to cover an area as large as the United States up to a kilometer deep (Erwin, 2006). Evidently there were Vesuvius-style (“pyroclastic”) eruptions happening at the time too: a nasty combination (Wignall, 2015).
In any event, it is clear from new techniques for studying ancient redox conditions that anoxia was widespread during the Late Permian, especially in shallow waters (Clarkson et al., 2016; Feng & Algeo, 2014). But here too, the picture is fast becoming more complicated. Instead of a gradual spread of anoxic conditions, the inferred pattern of redox changes now suggests a complex spatial and temporal dynamics, whose relationship to “both evolutionary dynamics and the global carbon cycle” remains unresolved (Clarkson et al., 2016, 2). Resolving these relationships will be critical to filling out new models for the end-Permian extinction (see, e.g., Schobben, 2020).
Euxinia is a condition whereby hydrogen sulfide (H2S) accumulates in oxygen-free waters, which can lead to deadly hydrogen sulfide poisoning or to hypercapnia (a buildup of carbon dioxide in biological tissues, which can be lethal).
There is also evidence for massive wildfires near the P–Tr boundary, which would have contributed to deforestation and, ultimately, to “catastrophic soil erosion” that exacerbated marine anoxia and euxinia (Shen et al., 2011, p. 1372).
Whether they will tend to be “one-shot hypotheses” is a separate matter, which I will consider below.
This is the “demand-side” of the story, at any rate. The “supply-side” concerns the provision of explanatory resources that support complexification, and here too non-explanatory work is often paramount (see, e.g., Novick et al., 2020 on the role of experiments in furnishing explanatory resources).
There remains a difficulty with justifying simple one-shot hypotheses for complex events, so Currie’s project in his (2019b) is not misguided. He just errs in saying that a special difficulty attaches to the justification of one-shot hypotheses if these are defined to include all explanations (simple or complex) featuring a single trigger.
By “features of the event,” I have in mind things like its temporal structure (what happened, when and for how long), patterns of extinction and survival, and elements of its geological context, including the behavior of earth systems and the environmental effects of massive volcanism.
Currie makes a similar suggestion in his (2019a). Specifically, he suggests that research into mass extinctions can be analyzed as a problem agenda whose “central concerns involve characterizing, finding evidence of, and explaining both particular events in the fossil record, and patterns across it” (7). A difference between Currie’s analysis and mine is that Currie seems to regard the problem agenda of mass extinctions as primarily a paleobiological problem agenda, whereas I regard paleobiology as just one of many disciplines involved in a joint project of investigating mass extinctions.
This does not imply that explanatory hypotheses never provide important scaffolding for locating relevant evidence. What I deny is simply that explanatory hypotheses are required to fulfill this role.
Several recent studies of the experimental sciences have reached similar conclusions. For example, O’Malley, Elliott & Burian (2010) have argued that research into microRNA is best characterized in terms of an “iterative movement” between different types of investigation that involves “not only the proposal and testing of hypotheses but also exploratory, technology-oriented and question-driven modes of research” (407). Fagan (2011) argues that in stem cell biology research aimed at testing explicit hypotheses is “not the whole story,” and suggests that philosophers pay attention to the various activities involved in the construction of models, as well as to the way in which “the structure of models…reflects the organization of their respective communities” (259). Finally, Feest (2017) suggests that philosophers’ preoccupation with explanation has led them to overlook the fact that “objects of research” in the cognitive and behavioral sciences are seldom clearly delineated, and claims that “the research process is better analyzed as one that tries to construct adequate descriptions of epistemically blurry objects of research” (1175).
A reviewer points out that this claim is sensitive to how we delineate explanatory research. For example, a study with descriptive aims might nonetheless be regarded as “explanatory” if it makes a significant contribution to an explanatory project (adding or subtracting constraints on explanation, say). This strikes me as a perfectly sensible thing to say, and fully compatible with my thesis much “explanatory” research (in this sense) has proximate aims that are unrelated to the evaluation of explanatory hypotheses.
Feest is here talking about the cognitive and behavioral sciences, but her point applies with equal force to the sciences of geohistory.
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Acknowledgements
This paper has benefitted greatly from the generous feedback of several people. Adrian Currie and Douglas Erwin read the manuscript at an advanced stage and provided extensive and useful feedback. Scott Lidgard and Alan Love read the manuscript somewhat earlier, and provided insightful comments on a range of issues. My thanks as well to the “Love Lab”—in particular, to Yoshinari Yoshida, Amanda Corris, Lauren Wilson and Kelle Dhein—for carefully reading and commenting on an early version of the paper.
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Dresow, M. Explaining the apocalypse: the end-Permian mass extinction and the dynamics of explanation in geohistory. Synthese 199, 10441–10474 (2021). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11229-021-03254-w
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11229-021-03254-w