Abstract
A literary debate occurred during 1969 and 1970 as Soviet society stepped into the holistic transition to conservatism. In the debate process, liberals in the journal Novyi Mir interpreted Soviet patriotism based on cultural pluralism and censured Russian nationalists of the journal Molodaia Gvardiia for deviating from Lenin’s ideas on the nationality question and obscuring the demarcation between patriotism and Russian chauvinism. Conversely, nationalists in Molodaia Gvardiia emphasized their validity in reviving the Russian tradition to defend the national culture from Western cultural penetration and responded that Western cosmopolitanism was the innate character behind the words of Novyi Mir. The contention gradually stirred up so much public attention that Soviet authorities decided to quiet down the contestation. Eventually, the editorial boards of Novyi Mir and Molodaia Gvardiia were reshuffled, although the Soviet authorities sheltered Molodaia Gvardiia to some degree. The result of the debate was affected by a combination of synthesized factors: the background of rising Russian nationalism, the ideological rhetoric of the debate, and the influences of the opinions of international media and officials toward either side. Whatever individual preferences the authorities had, the principles of the Era of Stagnation (Zastoi) were the guidelines in dealing with the debate.
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Notes
Rather than an activity of pursuing self-governance and self-determination, “Russian nationalism” is used in this article in the meaning close to “Ethnic Nationalism” (Smith 1981) and pan-Slavism, which emphasizes cultural identity and unity and takes an ethnocentric approach to political issues. Dissatisfied that many positions in political and cultural organizations were occupied by Jews, Russian nationalism showed enmity towards them and exclusivity, similar to Stalinism (Motyl 2001).
The characterization “Russian nationalists” is one term describing the intellectuals who gave primary importance to Russian identity and culture; they can also be called “Culturalists” (this term is borrowed from studies of Chinese history and is disputed by some scholars) or “Russianists”. Some intellectuals in this group were close to Stalinism, which disparaged the Jews. Some advocated the revival of rural and Eastern Orthodoxy (Hosking 2006; Mitrokhin 2003).
The term “liberals” refers to intellectuals who resisted the political oppression during the Stalin Era and insisted on freedom of expression. In regard to nationalism, liberals agree with Lenin, emphasizing the self-determination of a nation and internationalism, and position themselves against Stalin’s nationality policy (Vdovin 2003).
Both were groups of intelligentsia who longed for a return to the idealized past of Russian history and opposed the Europeanized revolutions or reforms.
The eleven writers, namely, Mikhail Alekseev, Sergei Vikulov, Sergei Voronin, Vitalii Zakrutkin, Anatolii Ivanov, Sergei Malashkin, Alexander Prokof’ev, Peter Proskurin, Sergei Smirnov, Vladimir Chivilikhin, and Nikolai Shundik, had signed their names at the bottom of the reply letter. These writers were closely related to the journal Molodaia Gvardiia and Russian nationalism.
Zakharov was more than an ordinary laborer; he was elected as a deputy of the Supreme Soviet of the Russian SFSR of the 6th session and a candidate member of the CPSU in 1961–1971.
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Tu, B. Paradoxical Russian nationalism in the Soviet context: a contentious literary debate in 1969–1970. Stud East Eur Thought 74, 535–549 (2022). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11212-022-09483-0
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11212-022-09483-0