Abstract
Why have some countries in Latin America and the Caribbean developed more comprehensive welfare systems than others? Do political and economic factors help us signal the (un) favourable paths taken by countries with different degrees of welfare state development in the XXI century? This paper addresses limitations of previous comparative research to continue (re) searching the conditions of welfare state development. A composite multidimensional welfare state development index (WeSDI) is constructed for 18 countries between 2000–2015. The four dimensions are the magnitude of social expenditure, the scope of coverage of welfare programmes, quality of the coverage of welfare programmes and outcomes of welfare institutions. The WeSDI uses goalposts (i.e. natural zeros and aspirational targets) to normalise individual indices and avoid the “relativity problems” of results. We use crisp-set Qualitative Comparative Analysis to test how necessary and/or sufficient eight political and economic conditions are (alone or in combination) to foster multidimensional welfare state development in the region. The causal conditions are openness to external shocks, debt obligations, revenue-collection capabilities, labour movement strength, strength of the left, policy legacies of welfare institutions, size of the outsider population and quality of democracy. The paper confirms the relevance of democratic strength, and revenue-collection capabilities as sufficient conditions of the highest levels of welfare state development in the (post) neoliberal era. In addition to labour movement strength, these same economic and political factors are relevant to understand the conditions behind very low levels of welfare state development.
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27 May 2021
A Correction to this paper has been published: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11205-021-02669-9
Notes
Following Ruckert et al. (2017) the concept is useful “if we understand it as a tendency to break with neoliberal policy prescriptions leading to a variety of distinct post-neoliberalisms”.
See Barrientos (2004) for a common regional welfare regime for Latin America. See Barba Solano (2005), Filgueira (1999), Marcel and Rivera (2008), Martínez Franzoni (2008), Pribble (2011) for intra-regional welfare regimes in the region. See Cruz-Martinez (2020) for intra-national welfare regimes in the region.
For the case of Argentina, we adopted the alternatives measures proposed by Huber and Stephens. Rather than considering the Kirchners executive governments as ‘other’—like Coppedge (1997) does—the Kirchners’ governments are considered Secular centre-left. The seat share in the lower house is also modified to show the Peronist parties aligned with the Kirchners.
“The electoral principle of democracy seeks to embody the core value of making rulers responsive to citizens, achieved through electoral competition for the electorate’s approval under circumstances when suffrage is extensive; political and civil society organizations can operate freely; elections are clean and not marred by fraud or systematic irregularities; and elections affect the composition of the chief executive of the country” (Coppedge et al. 2018a, p. 40).
“The liberal principle of democracy emphasizes the importance of protecting individual and minority rights against the tyranny of the state and the tyranny of the majority” (Coppedge et al. 2018a, p. 40).
“The deliberative principle of democracy focuses on the process by which decisions are reached in a polity” (Coppedge et al. 2018a, p. 41).
“The participatory principle of democracy emphasizes active participation by citizens in all political processes, electoral and non-electoral” (Coppedge et al. 2018a, p. 41).
“The egalitarian principle of democracy holds that material and immaterial inequalities inhibit the exercise of formal rights and liberties, and diminish the ability of citizens from all social groups to participate” (Coppedge et al. 2018a, p. 42).
It would be a quite difficult task to be able to justify an objective or theoretically sound threshold, not only because of the nature of these conditions but also because most of them are composite indicators. How to justify that 30, 40, 50, 60, or 70% is a reasonable cut-off point for economic openness? For example, Segura-Ubiergo (2007) used 30% as a threshold in his QCA analysis. However, I found this even more subjective than using “mechanical cut-off points”. This is the reason for using the mean – and the 0.5 of the normalised index operationalising the causal conditions in the robustness check – as a cut-off point for obtaining relative results.
Following Ragin (2008), a necessary condition contains the outcome of interest while a sufficient condition must be present for the outcome to take place.
Schneider and Wagemann (2012) recommends using 0.90 as the threshold for a condition to be considered a necessary condition, which indicates that 90% or more of the cases exhibiting the outcome also exhibit the condition.
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Acknowledgments
The author would like to thank three anonymous reviewers, participants of the International Conference on Global Dynamics of Social Policy (University of Bremen), and colleagues from the Postgraduate program in Social Work at the Federal University of Pernambuco (UFPE) who provided much-appreciated comments on earlier drafts of this manuscript. The author received financial support for the research of this article from the Spanish Ministry of Economy, Industry, and Competitiveness (FJCI-2016-29871). Shortcomings, of course, remain my responsibility.
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The original online version of this article was revised due to the interpretation of one of the results derived from the csQCA is incorrect. Now the correct interpretation has been published.
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Cruz-Martínez, G. Mapping Welfare State Development in (post) Neoliberal Latin America. Soc Indic Res 157, 175–201 (2021). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11205-020-02575-6
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11205-020-02575-6