Online abuse is an increasingly critical problem for communities across the world (Microsoft, 2023; Schoenebeck et al., 2023). The tactics of online abuse include practices such as hateful name-calling, doxing, sharing unconsented sexual content, ad hominem attacks, and threats (Dunn, 2020; Schoenebeck et al., 2023). Various community affiliations and identities shape experiences of online abuse, particularly gender identity (Backe et al., 2018; Henry & Powell, 2018; Horeck et al., 2024; Jane, 2014). The wide range of online harm targeted at people due to their gender is frequently called gender-based technology-facilitated violence and abuse (GBTFVA), and includes image-based sexual violence, networked harassment, sexploitation, sextortion, stalking, and broadcasting sexual assault, among others (Dunn, 2020). GBTFVA causes various negative impacts to the targets, including psychological, emotional, and economic harms, as well as a loss of privacy, safety, freedom, and voice (Dragiewicz et al., 2018; Dunn, 2020; Jane, 2018).

Research on GBTFVA often examines the experiences of targets (e.g., Veletsianos et al., 2018) and the role that platforms play (e.g., Dragiewicz et al., 2018). In this paper we follow previous scholarship suggesting that one cannot fully address GBTFVA without understanding the role of men in enacting, sustaining, and expanding these manifestations of gender-based online harm (DeCook, 2018; Furl, 2022; Salter, 2018). For instance, previous literature has emphasized men’s critical role in constructing discourses on manhood and GBTFVA in spaces like the manosphere, described as “a broad space of misogynistic ideas, antifeminist discourses, masculinist narratives, men separatism, and even the systematic performance of harassment against women scattered into diverse communities” (Han & Yin, 2023, p. 1926).

The manosphere—composed of people such as involuntary celibates (incels) and self-proclaimed pick-up artists—is one example of the networked nature of GBTFVA, whereby online discourses and affordances are used to maintain and expand patriarchal values (Bratich & Banet-Weiser, 2019; Ging, 2019; Horta Ribeira et al., 2021; Marwick & Caplan, 2018). Attempts to intervene and potentially disrupt such toxic spaces must be based on a nuanced understanding of men’s beliefs and attitudes concerning GBTFVA, as it is in these cultural narratives where we find specific elements to identify and respond to the impacts of gendered violence (Bayerl et al., 2023; Obermaier et al., 2023; Wang, 2021).

Rape myths, in brief, are broadly defined as false beliefs concerning rape (Burt, 1980; Lonsway & Fitzgerald, 1994), and they are central to understanding men’s beliefs and attitudes toward gendered violence (Edwards et al., 2011; Suarez & Gadalla, 2010). While the concept was born from a desire to better frame narratives on traditional face-to-face forms of gendered violence, scholars have expanded the context of rape myths as a concept to include digital environments (Borgogna et al., 2022; Nomamiukor & Wisco, 2024). Nevertheless, it is still unclear how (or if) the concept translates to a postdigital world—where boundaries between the ‘analog’ and the ‘digital’ are blurred (Jandrić, 2023).

In this paper, we examine how rape myths relate to GBTFVA as they are transposed and expanded into online environments. More specifically, this paper explores the presence of the following seven gender-based online violence myths among Canadian men: (1) She Asked For It, (2) It Wasn’t Really Gender-Based Online Abuse, (3) He Didn’t Mean To, (4) She Wanted It, (5) She Lied, (6) Gender-Based Online Abuse Is a Trivial Event, and (7) Gender-Based Online Abuse Is a Deviant Event. By centring gender-based online violence myths in our analysis of men’s perspectives, we foreground the narratives that enable, sustain, and expand practices of gendered online violence. Through this work, we aim to provide means to name and address such cultural narratives as to improve and transform the systems that enable and naturalize gendered violence.

From Rape Myths to Gender-Based Online Violence Myths

Rape myths refer to “prejudicial, stereotyped, or false beliefs about rape, rape victims, and rapists” (Burt, 1980, p. 217). As noted by Lonsway and Fitzgerald (1994), they are “attitudes and beliefs that are generally false but are widely and persistently held, and that serve to deny and justify male sexual aggression against women” (p. 134). As such, rape myths foreground the cultural dimension of gender-based violence, a key part of the web of attitudes that support and expand the existence of violence against women in societies. Rape myths construe a set of cultural narratives whereby the responsibility for gender-based violence is taken from the perpetrator to the victim, minimized, normalized, and even ridiculed (Borgogna et al., 2022).

Far from being innocuous, rape myths have critical and long-lasting consequences. For instance, Fansher and Zedaker (2022) reported how men who hold rape myths have more negative attitudes towards women in general, frequently supporting strict gender-role norms and engaging in acts of sexual aggression. Rape myths often operate implicitly and are present across individuals and institutions (Edwards et al., 2011), closely connected with other systemic and cultural forms of violence and inequality (Aosved & Long, 2006; Suarez & Gadalla, 2010). And while men are most commonly responsible for holding rape myths (e.g., Canan et al., 2018; Hayes et al., 2016), they can also be also present among women—among which the presence of rape myths has both been associated with a reluctance to report sexual crimes to authorities (Egan & Wilson, 2012) or to define specific acts of sexual aggression as rape (Jenkins, 2017).

While the concept was born from a desire to better frame narratives on traditional face-to-face forms of gendered violence, scholars have expanded the context of rape myths as a concept to include digital environments (Borgogna et al., 2022; Nomamiukor & Wisco, 2024). In the face of growing interest in rape myths, researchers are increasingly paying more attention to how these myths are translated into digital environments—and more specifically, into media consumption (Borgogna et al., 2022; Rodenhizer & Edwards, 2019; Thulin et al., 2024). Overall, this research has shown media that sexually objectifies individuals or trivializes rape contributes to the normalization of gender-based violence. When gender-based violence is normalized in this way, perpetrators are more likely to engage in sexual harassment, targets are more likely to accept harassing behaviour, and bystander intervention is made less likely (Galdi & Guizzo, 2021; Hedrick, 2021; Kahlor & Eastin, 2011; O’Hara, 2012).

To date, most research concerning rape myths in mediatized environments comes from two fields: game studies and pornography studies. In game studies, for example, Noël et al. (2021) found that playing games with overly sexualized women could lead to an increase in victim blaming. Somewhat similarly, in pornography studies, Borgogna and colleagues (2022) found that frequently viewing hardcore pornography may be an important behavioural risk factor for rape myth acceptance. While this research does not state that engaging with video games or pornography is an inherently problematic activity, they emphasize how its most toxic manifestations have been linked with increasing rape acceptance.

Scholars have paid more attention to the presence of mediated expressions of rape myths in quotidian contemporary digital environments. Indeed, research on gendered violence and rape culture in digital environments has proliferated of late (e.g., Chang, 2022; Mendes, 2015; Mendes et al., 2019; Stubbs-Richardson et al., 2018). However, limited research has specifically focused on the presence and acceptance of rape myths on the internet. For example, Nomamiukor and Wisco (2024) explored the #MeToo movement and the consequent backlash against it (#HimToo). They found that the framing and discourse of rape cases on social media influences rape myth acceptance. Also studying #MeToo, Kunst et al. (2019) found that men tend “to score higher than women on hostile sexism, to endorse rape myths to a greater degree, and to identify less as feminist” (p. 834–835). In another context, Kosloski et al. (2018) found that social media platforms were used to expand and reinforce (and at times, challenge) rape myths amid a sexual assault case. Recently, scholars have emphasized the importance of assessing and better understanding exposure to rape myths in online environments, as they are increasingly critical in efforts to address sexual violence (Stabile et al., 2019; Thulin et al., 2024).

Nevertheless, the importance of the internet and digital technologies as tools for facilitating gendered violence goes beyond traditional conceptions of rape myths. Indeed, Edwards and colleagues (2011) noted that “current measures used to assess rape myths often include the word ‘rape’. This is inconsistent with how we most commonly measure sexual perpetration and victimization experiences” (p. 769). Such limitations are evident online—where traditional conceptions of rape are not possible, but other forms of gendered violence proliferate. For instance, the internet has been found to be a place to justify and naturalize hegemonic masculinity (DeCook, 2018; Recuero, 2015). It can also be a space where practices of harassment (Veletsianos et al., 2018), rape threats (Hardaker & McGlashan, 2016), surveillance (Dragiewicz et al., 2018), and economic vandalism (Jane, 2018) against women flourish. These manifestations of GBTFVA can be found across many digital platforms (Brown, 2023; DeCook, 2018; Gardiner, 2018). Accordingly, it is of critical importance to conceptualize GBTFVA as an inescapable element of the continuum of violence (Kelly, 1987) that women encounter on and offline.

Current Study

In a context where GBTFVA is omnipresent, traditional accounts of rape myths might not fully translate into digital environments. As men routinely weaponize digital technologies to counteract feminist discourses and causes (Bratich & Banet-Weiser, 2019; Dickel & Evolvi, 2023; Furl, 2022; Moloney & Love, 2018; Preston et al., 2021; Zimmerman, 2022), the various ways in which these cultural narratives are accepted and sustained is an important part of how gender inequality and violence is perpetuated. In this study we adapt the concept of rape myths—what we are naming gender-based online violence myths— to better account for the lived experiences of those perpetrating and experiencing GBTFVA. By centring gender-based online violence myths in our analysis of men’s perspectives, we foreground the narratives that enable, sustain, and expand practices of gendered online violence. Through this work, we aim to provide means to name and address such cultural narratives as to improve and transform the systems that enable and naturalize gendered violence.

Method

Participants and Procedure

Before collecting any data, we obtained approval from the relevant institutional review boards, recognizing that we comply with standards for the ethical treatment of our participants. To collect data for our online survey, we relied on Leger, a Canadian research and analysis company (https://leger360.com/about/). In brief, Leger identified and contacted possible participants who matched the demographics of our study, sharing the link to our survey to those who accepted to participate in our study. Data collection took place between June and July of 2023 and focused on male-identified people between the ages of 18 and 30 who were living in Canada. Participants were compensated by Leger according to their internal standard incentive system, which offers both points-based and monetary rewards to survey respondents.

We obtained a total of 1,782 submissions to the survey. We cleaned the data, rejecting 485 responses after screening for completion time (less than 3 min and 40 s, less than 1/3 of median completion time), quality and attention-check questions (the survey had three quality or attention-checking questions), straight-lining (all responses were the same), and nonsensical open responses (such as “Gndhtsjysjgskhx”). This process left us with 1,297 valid responses to the survey, which were the basis for our analysis of men’s perceptions of GBTFVA.

Overall, participants were somewhat evenly distributed between 18 and 30 years old: 378 (29.13%) were aged between 18 and 21 years old, 423 (32.61%) between 22 and 25 years old, and 496 (38.25%) between 26 and 30 years old. The highest educational attainment for most participants was either a high school certificate (n = 439, 33.9%) or a bachelor’s degree (n = 321, 24.8%). Most identified as neither liberal nor conservative (n = 469, 36.2%), although the sample leaned more toward liberal (combining slightly, moderately, and extremely liberal, n = 588, 45.4%) than conservative (combining slightly, moderately, and extremely conservative, n = 236, 18.2%). Concerning their ethnic and racial identity, most self-identified as White (n = 641, 45.69%), followed by South Asian (n = 203, 14.47%), East Asian (n = 164, 11.69%), and Black (n = 140, 9.98%). Finally, the sample predominantly included men with a heterosexual orientation (n = 898, 69.30%).

Materials and Measures

Responding to the research objective —to explore the presence of gender-based online violence myths among Canadian men— this exploratory study adapted the Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance (IRMA) instrument (Payne et al., 1999), a widely used instrument to assess attitudes and beliefs regarding gendered violence (see Beshers & DiVita, 2021; Yule et al., 2022). While there have been new iterations of the IRMA instrument (McMahon & Farmer, 2011), we relied on the 1999 version as our starting point since this questionnaire was more readily adaptable to our objective. Since the original instrument was designed to assess general rape myths and is not directly applicable to GBTFVA, we modified the survey items to better align with our research objective. As seen in Table 1, we changed the wording of the items to better reflect the nature of GBTFVA while aiming to maintain the original argument of the item—for instance, the item “Rape accusations are often used as a way of getting back at men” was transformed into “Claims of gender-based online abuse are often weaponized against men.”

Table 1 Adaptation of the gender-based online violence myths instrument
Full size table

The transformation of each item was discussed collaboratively until we reached an agreement on the best wording. Each item was assessed using a 5-point response Likert scale, ranging from 1 (strongly agree) to 5 (strongly disagree). To evaluate the internal reliability of our adaptation, we calculated Cronbach’s alpha coefficient—as other studies that have used the IRMA instrument have tested reliability in this way (Beck et al., 2012). We obtained a 0.827 alpha, and as anything above 0.7 is considered acceptable, we considered our adaptation of the survey to be a reliable instrument to study men’s acceptance of gender-based online violence myths for this initial exploration of these myths.

The survey and data for this study are part of a large-scale project focused on understanding and promoting bystander intervention among Canadian men. As such, while this paper will be primarily focused on participants’ responses concerning gender-based online violence myths, the survey contained questions on other topics—such as their views on definitions of GBTFVA, their uses of social media, and their perceptions of bystander interventions in digital scenarios.

Positionality

The research team that wrote this manuscript is composed of three people who identify as women and three who identify as men—all involved throughout the conceptualization, analysis, and writing of this paper. Of the three women-identified researchers, one identifies as LGBTQ+. Of the male-identified researchers, one is Latino, and another is East Asian. We considered it important that two of the leading authors (the first and third authors) identified as men, as their voices could better reflect tensions within their experiences and lived identities across data collection and analysis.

Data Analysis

To analyze the data and respond to our research objective, we used two methods of analysis. First, we produced descriptive statistics to explore participants’ responses to each item in our instrument, computing the means and distributions across each item in our survey. Second, we relied on codebook thematic analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2012, 2022) to categorize participants’ responses across the survey, following the myths outlined in our instrument (Edwards et al., 2011; Payne et al., 1999). For the qualitative analysis, we relied on responses to two open-ended questions that invited respondents to reflect on GBTFVA. The first question, presented before the GBTFVA myth items was “What would you change about the above definition of GBTFVA?” referring to the following definition: “Abuse that occurs online or through an internet-connected device directed at women, fem-presenting people, and transgender, nonbinary, and gender non-conforming individuals.” The second question, presented after the GBTFVA myth items was “What would encourage you to intervene personally when you see gender-based online abuse?” In the analysis process, the first and third authors reviewed all open-ended responses and coded for the rape myths outlined in our instrument—for example, She asked for it, He didn’t mean to, or She lied. The two authors then compared their codes to ensure reliability, later sharing the coding result with all the authors who further evaluated and refined the coding results. Overall, the goal of the qualitative data in this study was to reveal how discourses of gender-based online violence myths may manifest in men’s worldviews.

Results

Overall, we found varying degrees of endorsement for all seven myths across respondents (Fig. 1). Quantitative analyses revealed that some myths were more strongly endorsed than others. The mean responses for each item used to assess each of the seven myths are summarized below. The most endorsed myths were: It wasn’t really gender-based online abuse (M = 2.96 and M = 3.75), followed by He didn’t mean to (M = 3.08 and M = 3.29), Gender-based online abuse is a deviant event (M = 2.24 and M = 3.71), and She lied (M = 2.93 and M = 2.98). Less strongly endorsed myths were the rest of the gender-based online violence myths, with an average endorsement closer to the midpoint of the scale, including She wanted it (M = 2.28 and M = 2.69) and She asked for it (M = 2.43 and M = 2.14). Finally, the least-endorsed myth was Gender-based online abuse is a trivial event (M = 2.75 and M = 4.05). Notably, a higher response on the second item for this myth (Online threats and insults should be taken seriously) indicates less endorsement—that is, the responses are inversed, and thus ought to be read in the opposite order to the other items in the survey. In the following section, we discuss how participants responded to each of the seven online gender-based violence myths.

Fig. 1
figure 1

Participants’ responses to each item across the seven gender-based online violence myths ranked by most to least endorsed among respondents. Note. CA = Completely agree, SA = Somewhat agree, N = Neutral, D = Somewhat disagree, CD = Completely disagree. The last item, “online threats and insults should be taken seriously,” is reversed scored and should be read inversely to the rest of the items

Full size image

Some of the language reported in this section might be triggering for readers, and especially targets of abuse and violence, as it showcases hurtful words and insults. However, we felt it was necessary to include the hurtful language to provide important context for analysis. Here we follow the advice of scholars such as Jane (2015), who argued that online abuse and violence “not only be spoken of but must be spoken in its unexpurgated entirety” (p. 81).

It Wasn’t Really Gender-Based Online Abuse

The most prevalent myth among respondents, It wasn’t really gender-based online abuse, refers to the act of trivializing or minimizing instances of online violence, and it comprises two survey items. For the first item, Normal discussions or debates are often incorrectly called out as gender-based online abuse, the most common response was to agree or strongly agree (n = 507, 39.12%), while n = 459 (35.40%) were neutral to the statement, and n = 331 (25.48%) disagreed. In the second item— Targets of gender-based online abuse should do more to stand up for themselves—the central belief is that people would fight back if GBTFVA was a real form of abuse, and thus if targets do not retaliate, their experiences cannot be that bad or unwanted. Responses showed that n = 797 (61.47%) agreed or strongly agreed with the statement, while n = 358 (27.60%) were neutral and only n = 142 (10.93%) disagreed or strongly disagreed.

Overall, these responses illustrate a strong endorsement of the myth that downplays the lived experiences of GBTFVA. Qualitative responses related to this theme emphasized that participants believe online harassment happens to people of any gender, arguing that “Men are also targets of online hate from other groups” and that “[…we are] simply desensitized” to abuse toward men. While these arguments point to existing instances where men are targets of online harassment, they showcase efforts to minimize how the burden of online violence is not distributed equally across various gender identifications. That is, these comments diminish how women, transgender, or non-binary people are unevenly affected by prevailing myths concerning GBTFVA.

He Didn’t Mean To

The next myth, He didn’t mean to, refers to the harmful practice that attempts to excuse or justify sexual assault by downplaying the perpetrator’s responsibility. For the first item, Innocent things that people say online are often taken out of context as gender-based online abuse, n = 582 (44.91%) agreed with the statement, while n = 440 (33.90%) were neutral, and n = 275 (21.19%) disagreed. For the second item, Online discussions sometimes get heated, but that doesn’t mean people are abusers, n = 692 (53.33%) agreed with the statement, while n = 369 (28.45%) were neutral, and n = 236 (18.22%) disagreed.

Concerning this myth, qualitative responses showcased an attempt to diminish the abuse, often framing what was occurring in those interactions as jokes or just normal conversations. For instance, a participant argued that “‘Abuse’ seems to be stretched so thin that its [sic] lost its meaning,” alluding to the apparent fragility of victims of GBTFVA, whereby it is implied that targets are hurt by acts that were not actually harmful. When asked about motivations to intervene in GBTFVA, another participant said that they would only act if they “knew the abuser was truly without a doubt in the wrong,” suggesting that some abuse is possibly justifiable. These two examples illustrate efforts to minimize the intentions and actions of the abuser, leaving targets of GBTFVA to convince others that it was indeed abuse.

Gender-Based Online Abuse is a Deviant Event

The third most endorsed myth, GBTFVA is a deviant event, refers to the belief that gendered online violence is only perpetrated by individuals who are extremists or deviants in society. For the first item, Gender-based online abuse is rare unless you seek out nasty people and places online, n = 308 (23.78%) agreed with the statement, while n = 313 (24.09%) were neutral and n = 676 (52.12%) disagreed. For the second item, Real men don’t perpetuate gender-based online abuse, n = 591 (45.56%) participants agreed with the statement, while n = 463 (35.73%) were neutral, and n = 243 (18.72%) disagreed.

Participants’ open-ended responses reflected an attempt to distance themselves from those who perpetrate GBTFVA. For instance, a participant suggested that those who experience online abuse should “Just ignore it. The people who insult others on the internet have no life,” suggesting that peoples’ experiences concerning GBTFVA are an out-of-the-ordinary experience on the internet rather than a quotidian experience for many. This discursive turn similarly suggests that GBFVA is easy to brush aside because it comes from people whose opinions are outliers.

She Lied

Results from the myth, She lied, showed evidence of a somewhat strong endorsement of this myth. This myth refers to the belief that the target fabricated a story about their experiences of GBTFVA. For the first item, Claims of gender-based online abuse are often weaponized against men, n = 537 (41.43%) participants agreed with the statement, while n = 438 (33.75%) were neutral to it, and n = 322 (24.82%) disagreed. For the second item, People often lie about the severity/frequency of gender-based online abuse, n = 516 (39.77%) participants agreed with the statement, while n = 452 (34.88%) were neutral to it, and n = 329 (25.34%) disagreed.

Concerning this myth, participants’ qualitative responses illustrated attempts to minimize the credibility of those experiencing GBTFVA. For example, a participant—when asked about whether he would intervene if he witnessed an act of GBTFVA—responded that he would do “nothing because these people [targets of GBTFVA] have been coddled enough.” This comment suggests that victims of GBTFVA are not being truly harmed, but rather that—due to their alleged fragility—they are falsely interpreting routine social encounters as abusive.

She Wanted It

The next myth, She wanted it, refers to the misconception that the target consented to or desired the expression of GBTFVA. For the first item, People who post about their gender or sexuality are looking to start arguments, n = 320 (24.71%) agreed with the statement, n = 318 (24.48%) were neutral, and n = 659 (50.81%) disagreed. For the second item, People who post sexual content want men to make comments, n = 450 (34.67%) of respondents agreed, n = 412 (31.81%) were neutral, and n = 435 (33.52%) disagreed.

Participants’ qualitative responses further illustrate the endorsement of this gender-based online violence myth. For example, a respondent noted that targets of GBTFVA must have “have done something to trigger an issue or attract people who disagree with whatever they have going on.” Another argued that having a public account welcomes abuse, explaining that “if someone wants full privacy, they should have their accounts private.” Most notoriously, participants displayed the presence of this myth when the targets challenged binary conceptions of gender, saying that “I think faggots and trannys are going way to [sic] far to get noticed. No one cares.” This comment indeed illustrates the gendered nature of online abuse, as the participant suggests that the public existence of non-binary gender conformity is itself attention-seeking.

She Asked for It

The second-least endorsed myth, She asked for it, refers to the false belief that women are responsible for their own sexual assault. For the first item, People who post provocative photos of themselves are just asking for trouble, n = 403 (31.06%) completely or somewhat agreed, n = 358 (27.58%) were neutral, and n = 536 (41.36%) completely or somewhat disagreed. For the second item, Targets of gender-based online abuse must have done something to incite or invite the abuse, n = 259 (19.99%) completely or somewhat agreed with the statement, n = 327 (25.19%) were neutral, and n = 711 (54.88%) of participants completely or somewhat disagreed.

Evidence of this myth was present through qualitative responses in our survey. For instance, some participants argued that targets of GBTFVA are responsible for the violence enacted against them, arguing the following: “Get off the platform you did it to yourself. Your [sic] encouraging others to bully you.” Indeed, when asked when they would intervene in cases of GBTFVA, participants often mentioned that they would only intervene when the targets did not ask for the abuse —thus implying that in some cases, the targets of GBTFVA do ask for it. For example, a participant argued that he would intervene “when the target does not deserve it.”

Gender-Based Online Abuse is a Trivial Event

The less commonly endorsed myth, GBTFVA is a trivial event, refers to cultural narratives that seek to minimize the severity and impact of GBTFVA. For the first item, Edgy jokes and transgressive expressions are just part of online communication, n = 448 (34.57%) participants agreed with the statement, while n = 390 (30.09%) were neutral to it, and n = 459 (35.35%) disagreed. For the second item, Online threats and insults should be taken seriously (the only question in this instrument in which agreeing with the statement meant not holding the harmful myth), n = 879 (67.78%) participants agreed with the statement, while n = 234 (18.05%) were neutral to it, and n = 184 (14.17%) disagreed. These results illustrate that while there is some agreement that online violence is a serious threat, there is less agreement in identifying what counts as online violence. For instance, a participant argued that “we have bigger problem than a girl ‘opressed’ [sic] for being called a girl.” Another respondent noted that there are “More important things in this world, than this little baby issue, pull tissues outta your bums and pursues and don’t be babies.” These statements illustrate efforts to treat instances of GBTFVA as of little or no significance, diminishing and ridiculing the lived experiences of those targeted by gendered violence in online spaces.

Discussion

In the analysis presented in this paper we found evidence of Canadian men aged 18–30 endorsing online gender-based violence myths across all seven items: (1) She Asked for It, (2) It Wasn’t Really Gender-Based Online Abuse, (3) He Didn’t Mean To, (4) She Wanted It, (5) She Lied, (6) Gender-Based Online Abuse Is a Deviant Event, And (7) Gender-Based Online Abuse Is a Trivial Event. These myths provide a mechanism to name and address the narratives that sustain and expand gender-based online violence. We found that between 20% and 61% of young Canadian men share manosphere-adjacent beliefs about GBTFVA—that is, they hold various gender-based online violence myths. While our study also shows evidence that not all men, and sometimes a large percentage of men, do not endorse these cultural narratives, in this paper we sought to better understand the nature of toxic discourses among manosphere-adjacent communities. In this context, we ask to what extent are these cultural narratives endorsed among young men in particular?

Previous researchers have found a link between consuming sexually suggestive and violent media and rape myth acceptance (Borgogna et al., 2022; Noël et al., 2021; Thulin et al., 2024). Nevertheless, understanding how toxic discourses concerning gender occur in other online environments is important because, in doing so, we can see how they influence the attitudes of young Canadian men. The seven gender-based online violence myths we described are mechanisms that minimize harm or perpetuate victim blaming. A worthwhile next step is to better comprehend these myths to understand and address manosphere worldviews. These mechanisms, in turn, can be situated within online discourses of hegemonic masculinity. For example, respondents told us that they felt like online threats should be taken seriously, however, they also thought they were relatively rare or that targets were often responsible for their experiences of GBTFVA. When online threats were reported, participants were more likely to hold gender-based online violence myths that correspond with a victim-blaming mentality. Indeed, previous research (Marwick & Caplan, 2018) has showcased how manosphere networks diminish the experiences of women to establish membership within their communities. Online incel communities, for example, dehumanize women through pejorative terms that transform them into ‘monsters’ who deserve to be harmed (Chang, 2022). If the GBTFVA myths are part of group membership for many young men, and the harm they enact is in turn seen as deserved, it is not enough to remind men that GBTFVA exists and matters, since their social identity includes cultural narratives that abdicate responsibility for such enactments of violence.

Hegemonic masculinities, as displayed through gender-based online violence myths according to Messerschmidt (2019), are “situationally influenced by and in turn reproduce the gendered relational and discursive social structures in particular settings” (n.p). As such, to understand the hegemonic masculinity embedded within GBTFVA, we must see how these discourses manifest in online spaces. Gender-based online violence myths may be part of the crisis of masculinity discourse used by online influencers to garner engagement. We see evidence of this in a study of YouTube influencers conducted by Parks et al. (2022), who showed that some prominent influencers set up a crisis of masculinity discourse to attract people, and then in turn offer solutions to the crisis by reinforcing traditional gender norms. These often take the form of gender-based online violence myths, such as He didn’t mean to, It wasn’t really gender-based online abuse, and She lied. These, combined with the fact that our respondents told us they thought GBTFVA was real but was as likely to occur to men as it is to women, and that it was underreported when it was targeted towards men, set up men as victims rather than perpetrators of online violence (see also Ging et al., 2024). As illustrated by literature on incel communities, ideological mechanisms like gender-based online violence myths enable young men to underscore their victimhood in ways that justify abuse and harm toward women (Zimmerman, 2024). As such, the responses of young men in our survey suggest a complex chain of narratives that underlie men’s attitudes concerning GBTFVA—whereby men claim that gendered online abuse should be taken seriously but negate the lived experiences of those targeted by online abuse through overlapping discourses (e.g., actual abuse is rare or the targets are at fault).

Moreover, previous literature showcases how hegemonic masculinities in online environments hone and nurture these cultural narratives. For instance, Parkins and Parkins (2021) noted that popular male influencers were more likely than not to reinforce hegemonic masculinity in their posts. In fact, while social media platforms, in theory, could be a place to trouble gender norms by connecting people who challenge them, research shows that these technologies are far more likely to reinforce hegemonic norms of both masculinity and femininity (Scarcelli & Farci, 2024). Parent et al. (2019) showed that conformity to hegemonic masculine norms, negative online interaction, and online misogyny can lead first to depression and then to more negative online interactions. The authors noted further that toxic masculinity might encourage online engagement with content and individuals who challenge gender norms, which in turn leads to negative online interactions and possibly additional expressions of toxic masculinity. This means that it is possible that GBTFVA myth acceptance can lead to more GBTFVA acceptance, as people who hold some of these views may adopt more of them after experiencing negative interactions with women and gender non-conforming people on social media sites. Parent et al. recommended that men with toxic views and a tendency to engage in negative online behaviours receive support to understand their motivations for doing so, to develop better patterns over time.

Existing research suggests that men tend to be drawn into manosphere-related communities and belief systems to cope with feelings of vulnerability brought about by changing social norms under an existing patriarchal culture (Botto & Gottzén, 2024), after which they are further radicalized to hold toxic traits and harmful discourses (Habib et al., 2022). Though rape myths represent only one part of manosphere ideology, the tendency for a sizable portion of young Canadian men to believe such ideas may be related to a growing sense of vulnerability or insecurity among men under the age of 30—as best illustrated by studies that have explored discourses of victimhood among incels (such as Zimmerman, 2022). These trends could also be related to what some researchers have termed the “nice guy” phenomenon, whereby men who feel they do not fit stereotypical masculinity adopt “the role of victim, taking up a feminised position and celebrating the stereotypes of social marginalisation” (Farci, 2022, p. 167). In other words, victim blaming and other harmful gender-based online violence myths may be both a response to hegemonic masculinity and a reinforcement of it. This means that gender-based online violence myths might be more insidious than rape myths, since GBTFVA is often minimized in ways that physical rape is not (Gosse, 2021; Henry & Powell, 2016).

Furthermore, if young men can concurrently hold nice guy beliefs along with gender-based online violence myths as a result of growing social, economic, and other types of vulnerabilities, this problem could still stand to get worse, as young men tend to be most vulnerable to economic downturns, and the number of women attending colleges in the United States is outnumbering men (Belkin, 2021; Verick, 2009). This is not to say that young men remain blameless in holding toxic beliefs about GBTFVA, only that material social and cultural conditions are likely contributing to an environment where toxic beliefs can flourish.

Limitations and Future Research Directions

Given the exploratory nature of this study and its limitations, the findings should be interpreted with caution. The exploratory approach to designing and implementing the gender-based online violence myths instrument was a useful starting point, but we recognize that future work is needed to systematically validate the instrument (e.g., McMahon & Farmer, 2011), examine nuances in language use (Thelan & Meadows, 2022), compare across online settings (Thulin et al., 2024), and confirm the wording of the instrument to address potential biases. This study also did not consider how identity factors might determine who would be more likely to hold gender-based online violence myths. Future studies could examine the role of intersectionality among men holding gender-based online violence myths, as a close examination of the role of political affiliation, sexual orientation, age, education, ethnicity, and class is necessary to better comprehend the connection of those cultural narratives to other places of power struggle in society (see also Ging et al., 2024). Furthermore, future studies could explore how men endorse narratives that are contrary to the gender-based online violence myths discussed in this paper—for example, examining the beliefs and discourse of men who reject GBTFA cultural narratives and how they came to hold such views.

Future studies could also examine the role of online platforms in shaping, circulating, and addressing gender-based online violence myths. For instance, Preston et al. (2021) have emphasized that manosphere communities, like incels, rely on discourses concerning technology to justify their harmful worldviews. Accordingly, and considering our findings, future research could explore how gender-based online violence myths interact with the affordance and cultures of different online platforms. Finally, future research could further explore the role that gender-based online violence myths hold for male entitlement, specifically focusing on the processes by which men recognize (or fail to recognize) acts of harm as harmful (Glace et al., 2021).

Practice Implications

Our findings have implications for those addressing GBTFVA—particularly those seeking to encourage men to counteract GBTFVA, as they reveal the cultural narratives that might prevent men from identifying GBTFVA as real or consequential. In a global context where bystander intervention is a key strategy to disrupt the cycles of networked violence (Rentschler, 2017; Wang, 2021), these results provide a specific vocabulary for those seeking to understand the beliefs that men hold and that might cause and sustain the enactment of GBTFVA. Additionally, our findings provide means to researchers, policymakers, and activists to better grasp the ontological labour of victims of GBTFVA (Gosse, 2021), where they must prove that the harm suffered is violence. In this sense, the seven items of the gender-based online violence myths provide ways in which targets’ voices are diminished and ignored and are thus a possible starting point to build systems that better support those who suffered from GBTFVA. Thus, policymakers who are concerned about threats of online violence should attend to both educational opportunities and the material circumstances that make men more vulnerable to these types of beliefs.

Conclusion

The scholarship on rape myths illustrates the crucial role those cultural narratives play in sustaining and expanding gendered violence (Burt, 1980; Edwards et al., 2011; Lonsway & Fitzgerald, 1994). Naming and transforming these false beliefs are necessary steps to address gendered violence. As GBTFVA is part of the continuum of gendered violence (Dunn, 2021; Gosse, 2021), in this paper we put forward a set of gender-based online violence myths to name and respond to these cultural narratives in a post-digital world. These myths are then a continuation of ongoing efforts to recognize how false beliefs concerning gendered violence transform over time. By identifying these myths about GBTFVA, our primary contribution is to provide a vocabulary to impact what we can do to address gendered violence (McMahon & Farmer, 2011; Thelan & Meadows, 2022), especially in the context of ubiquitous digital technology use.