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Incumbent-challenger and open-seat elections in a spatial model of political competition

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Abstract

In Groseclose (Am J Political Sci 45:862–886, 2001), candidates with asymmetric valence scores and varying degrees of policy motivation simultaneously choose divergent policies. I take a version of the Groseclose model with policy-motivated candidates and extend it to allow for sequential policy announcements. This may be a suitable approach for incumbent-challenger elections because the incumbent’s policy is typically known before the challenger’s. I show that policy divergence is greater when candidates announce policies sequentially as opposed to simultaneously. I also show that policy-motivated incumbents benefit from a first-mover advantage.

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Notes

  1. Stokes (1963) uses the term valence to capture non-policy related characteristics that are valued intrinsically by voters. Those characteristics may include charisma, charm, intelligence, and so on, but, as noted by Groseclose (2001) valence can also capture incumbency related advantages, such as better name recognition or a candidate’s track record for constituency services.

  2. Models of spatial competition often focus on simultaneous policy announcements of office-motivated candidates; see, e.g., Ansolabehere and Snyder (2000), Aragones and Palfrey (2002), Duggan (2007), Ashworth and Bueno de Mesquita (2009), Zakharov (2009), Krasa and Polborn (2012), Hummel (2010) and Xefteris (2014).

  3. My model focuses on the implications of altering the timing of policy announcements using a version of the Groseclose (2001) model. As such, I do not consider reputational effects. However, reputational effects in a model with policy-motivated candidates also may produce divergence. If a candidate’s reputation is consistent with his or her ideal policy, then moving away from that policy is not only costly in terms of reptuational damage, but also because the candidate is shifting to a less preferred point.

  4. The non-existence of a simultaneous move equilibrium with office motivated candidates is well known and is referred to as a kind of “folk theorem” by Groseclose (2001).

  5. An advantaged incumbent who cares only about winning prefers to observe the challenger’s policy first and then copy that policy to guarantee victory.

  6. In a related strand of literature, Wiseman (2006) studies a model of partisan campaign support and entry deterrence wherein a party’s utility depends on both policy and the amounts of costly campaign support provided to candidates.

  7. An alternative approach to modelling incumbent-challenger elections could be to introduce uncertainty around the challenger’s valence. Voters know the incumbent’s valence, but their evaluation of the challenger’s valence could be \(v+\epsilon\), where v is expected valence and \(\epsilon\) is a random variable with mean zero, which becomes known only after policies are chosen. Assuming the distribution of \(\epsilon\) is known and the median voter is located in the center of the policy space, this setup generates policy divergence. As challenger uncertainty increases, the incumbent moderates and the challenger becomes more extreme.

  8. Using a uniform distribution makes the model tractable and allows for analytic solutions. The results are robust to an alternative specification wherein the median voter is drawn from a normal distribution.

  9. This is true provided that \(P_L\le {P_R}\), which always holds as a policy-motivated left-wing candidate will never choose a more right-wing policy than the ideologically opposed right-wing candidate.

  10. Assuming ideal points at the ends of the policy line is mathematically convenient, but not necessary. Alternative points clearly would change equilibrium policies, but do not affect the main results. For example, when \(v=0\), \(x_R=1\) and \(x_L=-1\), the simultaneous-move equilibrium is \(P_L=-0.5\) and \(P_R=0.5\); the sequential-move equilibrium is \(P_L=-1\) and \(P_R=0.33\). If instead \(x_R=.5\) and \(x_L=-0.5\), then the simultaneous move equilibrium is \(P_L=-.0.33\) and \(P_R=0.33\) and the sequential move equilibrium is \(P_L=-0.60\) and \(P_R=0.25\). In both cases, the sequential-move game generates greater policy divergence, the first-moving incumbent locates closer to her ideal point and the challenger moderates.

  11. In open-seat elections, no loss in generality materializes by assuming that L has a valence advantage. For incumbent-challenger elections, I relax this assumption later to consider elections with a valence-disadvantaged incumbent.

  12. The reaction functions are non-linear. However, the non-linearity is virtually imperceptible when graphed on the policy space \(-1\) to +1, especially for low levels of valence. As such, they appear as straight lines in Fig. 1.

  13. The candidates themselves also have concave utility in policy. For a given voter utility function and valence scores, changing the slope of the candidates’ concave policy utility function does not change the results.

  14. In Anderson and Glomm (1992), the advantaged incumbent does not moderate but moves closer to her ideal point. Note, however, that in Anderson and Glomm (1992) the incumbent cares only about compromising her own ideal point: if the challenger wins, the incumbent gets zero utility regardless of how extreme the challenger’s position is.

  15. In Lemma 3, I showed that moderating can be quite beneficial if one has a valence advantage. Conversely, the gains from moderating are limited if one has a valence disadvantage.

  16. See, e.g., Gelman and King (1990), Cox and Katz (1996), Levitt and Wolfram (1997), Ansolabehere and Snyder (2002), Ansolabehere et al. (2007), Lee (2008), Uppal (2010) and Trounstine (2011).

  17. I restrict attention to elections wherein \(v<\underline{v}\). We saw from Lemma 2 that when a candidate’s valence exceeds \(\underline{v}\), the candidate is guaranteed to win and the timing of policy choice is no longer important.

  18. See Bender and Lott (1996) for a review of the literature on ideological shirking.

  19. Given that \(P_L^{win}=1-\sqrt{v}\) then \(\bar{v}=4\).

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Acknowledgments

I thank Tuvana Pastine, Ivan Pastine, Donal O’Neill, Dermot Leahy, Paul Devereux and three anonymous referees for their comments, as well as participants of the 2014 Maynooth University Political Competition Workshop and the 2014 Annual Conference of the Political Studies Association of Ireland. I also thank seminar participants at the Maynooth University Economics Department and the UCD Economics Department.

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Correspondence to Paul Redmond.

Appendix

Appendix

Lemma 1

In equilibrium \(\frac{\partial F(m_\beta )}{\partial v}>0\), \(\frac{\partial F(m_\beta )}{\partial P_L}>0\) and \(\frac{\partial F(m_\beta )}{\partial P_R}>0\).

Proof

If \(P_L<{P_R}\) , then \(\frac{\partial F(m_\beta )}{\partial v}=\frac{-1}{(4P_L-4P_R)}>0\) . While I impose no constraints on the candidates’ policy choices, apart from \(P_c\in [-1,1]\) , it is always the case that \(P_L<{P_R}\) . The policy-motivated left-wing candidate never chooses a policy further right than the ideologically opposed right-wing candidate. Differentiating \(F(m_\beta )\) with respect to \(P_L\) yields \(\frac{\partial F(m_\beta )}{\partial P_L}=\frac{v}{4(P_L-P_R)^2}+\frac{1}{4}>0\) . If \(v<{(P_L-P_R)^2}\) , then \(\frac{\partial F(m_\beta )}{\partial P_R}=\frac{1}{4}-\frac{v}{4(P_L-P_R)^2}>0\) . Given \(m_\beta =\frac{\displaystyle v-P_L^2+P_R^2}{\displaystyle 2(P_R-P_L)}\) , it is straightforward to show that the inequality \(v<{(P_L-P_R)^2}\) is the same as \(P_R>{m_\beta }\) . It cannot be that \(P_R<m_\beta\) because then \(\frac{\partial F(m_\beta )}{\partial P_R}<0\) , meaning that R could choose a more preferable right-wing position while at the same time increasing her probability of victory. As such, R always locates to the right of the indifferent voter and, therefore, \(\frac{\partial F(m_\beta )}{\partial P_R}=\frac{1}{4}-\frac{v}{4(P_L-P_R)^2}>0\). \(\square\)

Lemma 2

If the valence advantage exceeds a critical value \(\underline{v}\) , there is a unique equilibrium at which L wins with probability 1 in the incumbent-challenger and open-seat elections. L policy choice always lies within’s \(P_L\in [-1,1-\sqrt{v}]\).

Proof

L has a 100 % probability of victory when \(m_\beta =1\). From Lemma 1 we know that R never locates to the left of the indifferent voter, so if \(m_\beta =1\) then \(P_R=1\). Using \(P_R=m\beta =1\) in Eq. (4) gives the policy point at which L can locate and guarantee victory, which is a function of valence, \(P_L^{win}=1-\sqrt{v}\). Clearly L will never move further right than that point because her victory already is guaranteed; therefore, \(P_L\in [-1,1-\sqrt{v}]\). Using \(P_R=1\) in L’s utility function and taking the first-order condition \(\frac{\partial EU_L}{\partial P_L}\) yields \(\frac{v}{4}-\frac{5P_L}{2}-\frac{3P_L^2}{4}-\frac{3}{4}=0\). Using \(P_L=1-\sqrt{v}\) and solving for v gives \(v=1.37\). Therefore, when \(v=1.37\), L locates at \(P_L=1-\sqrt{1.37}=-0.17\) forcing R to locate at the edge of the policy space, i.e., at \(P_R=1\). When \(v\ge {1.37}\), L is guaranteed victory in equilibrium in both open-seat and incumbent-challenger elections, so \(\underline{v}=1.37\). \(\square\)

Lemma 3

When \(v>0\) , then \(\frac{\partial ^2 F(m_\beta )}{\partial P_L^2}>0\). The valence-advantaged candidate’s probability of victory increases at an increasing rate the closer she locates to her opponent: \(\frac{\partial ^2 F(m_\beta )}{\partial P_L^2}\) is increasing in v, meaning that the greater is L’s valence advantage, the greater is the associated increase in her probability of victory for a given movement along the policy line.

Proof

Given that \(P_L<0\) and \(P_R>0\), then \(\frac{\partial ^2 F(m_\beta )}{\partial P_L^2}=\frac{-v}{2(P_L-P_R)^3}>0\) when \(v>0\). As v increases \(\frac{-v}{2(P_L-P_R)^3}>0\) increases. \(\square\)

Proposition 1

If \(v\le {\underline{v}}\) then,

  1. (i)

    A move along the policy line by a candidate causes her opponent to react by moving in the same direction. That is, \(\frac{\partial R_L(P_R,v)}{\partial P_R}>0\) and \(\frac{\partial R_R(P_L,v)}{\partial P_L}>0\).

  2. (ii)

    An increase in L’s valence advantage causes L to moderate her position and R to move to the right. That is, \(\frac{\partial R_L(P_R,v)}{\partial v}>0\) and \(\frac{\partial R_R(P_L,v)}{\partial v}>0\).

Proof

If \(v<\underline{v}\), then \(\frac{\partial R_L(P_R,v)}{\partial P_R}=\frac{4P_R+4}{3\sqrt{4P_R^2+8P_R+3v+4}}-\frac{1}{3}>0\). If \(v<\underline{v}\) and \(P_L\in [-1,0]\), then \(\frac{\partial R_R(P_L,v)}{\partial P_L}=-\frac{4P_L-4}{3\sqrt{4P_L^2-8P_L-3v+4}}-\frac{1}{3}>0\) . I do not impose any constraints such that the left-wing candidate is forced to implement a left-wing policy (where \(P_L\in {[-1,0]}\)); however, this always occurs. As \(P_L<\, {P_R}\), then if L ever chose a right-wing policy, she could always improve by moving leftwards to the center and in doing so adopt a more preferable policy position while also improving her chances of winning. (ii) Differentiating the candidates’ reaction functions with respect to v yields \(\frac{\partial R_L(P_R,v)}{\partial v}=\frac{1}{2\sqrt{4P_R^2+8P_R+3v+4}}>0\) and \(\frac{\partial R_R(P_L,v)}{\partial v}=\frac{1}{2\sqrt{4P_L^2-8P_L-3v+4}}>0\). \(\square\)

Proposition 2

\(P_L^I\) and \(P_R^C\) are the equilibrium positions for the incumbent-challenger election and \(P_L*\) and \(P_R*\) are the equilibrium positions for the open-seat election. If \(v=0\) , then \(P_L^I=x_L=-1,\) \(P_R^C=\frac{1}{3}\) and \(P_L*=-\frac{1}{2}\), \(P_R*=\frac{1}{2}\).

Proof

If \(v=0\), the reaction functions simplify to \(R_L(P_R,v)=\frac{-2 + P_R}{3}\) and \(R_R(P_L,v)=\frac{2 + P_L}{3}\). Solving the equations simultaneously gives the policy locations for the open-seat election as \(P_L*=-0.5\) and \(P_R*=0.5\). For the incumbent-challenger election, I substitute \(v=0\) into the incumbent’s first-order condition, Eq. (14), and solve to give \(P_L^I=-1\). Using this result in R’s reaction function gives \(R_R(P_L,v)=\frac{2 + (-1)}{3}=\frac{1}{3}\), so \(P_R^C=\frac{1}{3}\). \(\square\)

Proposition 3

When v increases from zero to a small value, the valence-advantaged candidate moderates towards the center and the valence-disadvantaged candidate adopts a more extreme policy in both open-seat and incumbent-challenger elections. That is, \(\frac{\partial P_L{*}}{\partial v}\big |_{v=0}>0\), \(\frac{\partial P_R{*}}{\partial v}\big |_{v=0}>0\) and \(\frac{\partial P_L^I}{\partial v}\big |_{v=0}>0\), \(\frac{\partial P_R^C}{\partial v}\big |_{v=0}>0\).

Proof

From Eqs. (9) and (10), \(P_L*=R_L(P_R*,v)=R_L(R_R(P_L*,v),v)\). Taking the partial derivative with respect to v gives \(\frac{\partial P_L*}{\partial v}=\frac{\partial R_L}{\partial R_R} \frac{\partial R_R}{\partial P_L*} \frac{\partial P_L*}{\partial v}+\frac{\partial R_L}{\partial R_R} \frac{\partial R_R}{\partial v}+\frac{\partial R_L}{\partial v}\). Solving for \(\frac{\partial P_L*}{\partial v}\) gives the expression, \(\frac{\partial P_L*}{\partial v}=\frac{\frac{\partial R_L}{\partial P_R}\frac{\partial R_R}{\partial v}+\frac{\partial R_L}{\partial v}}{1-\frac{\partial R_L}{\partial P_R}\frac{\partial R_R}{\partial P_L}}\). I determine the sign of \(\frac{\partial P_L*}{\partial v}\big |_{v=0}\) by analyzing the RHS terms. This yields \(\frac{\partial R_L}{\partial P_R}\big |_{v=0}=\frac{2P_R+2}{3\sqrt{P_R^2+2P_R+1}}-\frac{1}{3}>0\), \(\frac{\partial R_R}{\partial v}\big |_{v=0}=\frac{1}{4\sqrt{P_L^2-2P_L+1}}>0\), \(\frac{\partial R_L}{\partial v}\big |_{v=0}=\frac{1}{4\sqrt{P_R^2+2P_R+1}}>0\) and \(\frac{\partial R_R}{\partial P_L}\big |_{v=0}=-\frac{2P_L-2}{3\sqrt{P_L^2-2P_L+1}}-\frac{1}{3}>0\). Finally, \(\frac{\partial R_L}{\partial P_R}\frac{\partial R_R}{\partial P_L}<1\), so \(1-\frac{\partial R_L}{\partial P_R}\frac{\partial R_R}{\partial P_L}>0\) and, hence, \(\frac{\partial P_L{*}}{\partial v}\big |_{v=0}>0\). In the same way it can be shown that \(\frac{\partial P_R{*}}{\partial v}\big |_{v=0}>0\). For the incumbent-challenger election, recall from Proposition 2 that when \(v=0\), \(P_L^I=-1\). Using this in the incumbent’s first-order condition, Eq. (14), gives \(\frac{\partial EU_L^I}{\partial P_L^I}\big |_{P_L^I=-1}=\frac{1}{6}(v(\frac{4}{\sqrt{16-3v}}+1))\). Clearly, when \(v=0\) this equation equals zero as utility is maximized. However, notice that when v goes from zero to a positive value we have \(\frac{\partial EU_L^I}{\partial P_L^I}>0\), meaning that candidate L moves to the right to increase her utility. Therefore, \(\frac{\partial P_L^I}{\partial v}\big |_{v=0}>0\). We have already seen that \(\frac{\partial R_R}{\partial P_L}>0\), so as the incumbent L moves right so too does the challenger R and, as such, \(\frac{\partial P_R^C}{\partial v}\big |_{v=0}>0\). \(\square\)

Proposition 4

If \(0\le {v}<\underline{v}\) then,

  1. (i)

    \(P_L^I<P_L*\) and \(P_R^C<P_R*\)

  2. (ii)

    \(|P_L^I-P_R^C|>|P_L*-P_R*|\)

Proof

(i) The incumbent’s expected utility function is written as \(EU_L^I(P_L^I,R_R^C\) \((P_L^I,v),v)\). The first-order condition for the expected utility optimization problem is \(\frac{\partial EU_L^I}{\partial P_L^I}=\frac{\partial EU_L^I}{\partial P_L^I}+\frac{\partial EU_L^I}{\partial R_R^C}\frac{\partial R_R^C}{\partial P_L^I}\). Evaluating the FOC at the open-seat equilibrium position \(P_L*\), means that the first term on the RHS of the FOC satisfies L’s open-seat utility optimization problem, \(\frac{\partial EU_L^I}{\partial P_L^I}\big |_{P_L*}\). Therefore, the sign of the second term, \(\frac{\partial EU_L^I}{\partial R_R^C}\frac{\partial R_R^C}{\partial P_L^I}\) tells us whether, as an incumbent, L can improve her utility by locating at a point that differs from the open-seat election. If \(-1\le {P_L^I}<1-\sqrt{v}\), then \(\frac{\partial EU_L^I}{\partial R_R^C}=-\frac{{P_L^I}^2}{4}+\frac{P_L^I P_R^C}{2}+\frac{3{P_R^C}^2}{4}+\frac{v}{4}-1<0\) . In the proof of Proposition 1, I show that \(\frac{\partial R_R}{\partial P_L}>0\). Therefore, \(\frac{\partial EU_L^I}{\partial R_R^C}\frac{\partial R_R^C}{\partial P_L^I}<0\), meaning that when L is the incumbent she does better by locating to the left of her open-seat position, so \(P_L^I<P_L*\). From Proposition 1, \(\frac{\partial R_R(P_L,v)}{\partial P_L}>0\), meaning that \(P_L^I<P_L*\) implies \(P_R^C<P_R*\). (ii) It is straightforward to show that \(0<\frac{\partial R_R}{\partial P_L}<1\), so a move to the left by L causes R to move to the left by a smaller amount. As such, given \(P_L^I<P_{L}{*}\) it must be that \(|P_L^I-P_R^C|>|P_L{*}-P_R{*}|\) \(\square\)

Proposition 5

If \(-\underline{v}<v<0\) then,

  1. (i)

    \(P_L^I=x_L=-1\)

  2. (ii)

    \(|P_L^I-P_R^C|\) is higher compared to when \(v=v_L-v_R>0\).

  3. (iii)

    \(P_L^I<P_L*\)

Proof

If \(v=0\), then \(P_L^I=-1\). The incumbent’s expected utility function is \(EU_L^I(P_L^I,R_R^C(P_L^I,v),v)\). From this, \(\frac{\partial EU_L^I}{\partial P_L^I}\big |_{P_L^I=-1}=\frac{v}{6}+\frac{32}{9\sqrt{16-3v}}-\frac{2\sqrt{16-3v}}{9}\). In this equation, \(v=v_L-v_R\) so that when the incumbent is at a disadvantage, \(v<0\). If \(v<0\) then \(\frac{\partial EU_L^I}{\partial P_L^I}\big |_{P_L^I=-1}<0\). As the incumbent becomes disadvantaged she would like to move further left than \(P_L^I=-1\), but \(P_L\in [-1,1-\sqrt{v}]\). Therefore, L stays at the extreme left of the policy line. For (ii), note that \(\frac{\partial R_R}{\partial P_L^I}=\frac{4P_R^C+4}{3 \sqrt{4{P_R^C}^2+8P_R^C+3v+4}}-\frac{1}{3}\), giving \(0<\frac{\partial R_R^C}{\partial P_L^I}<1\). A move to the left by L causes R to move left by less than L. Given that the disadvantaged incumbent locates further left than when she is advantaged, it is the case that \(|P_L^{inc}-P_R^{cha}|\) is higher for \(v=v_L-v_R<0\) than when \(v=v_L-v_R>0\). For (iii), note that Proposition 3 shows \(\frac{\partial P_L*}{\partial v}=\frac{\frac{\partial R_L}{\partial P_R}\frac{\partial R_R}{\partial v}+\frac{\partial R_L}{\partial v}}{1-\frac{\partial R_L}{\partial P_R}\frac{\partial R_R}{\partial P_L}}\). I determine the sign of \(\frac{\partial P_L*}{\partial v}\) by analyzing the RHS terms of this equation. This yields \(\frac{\partial R_L}{\partial P_R}=\frac{2P_R+2}{3\sqrt{P_R^2+2P_R+.75v+1}}-\frac{1}{3}>0\), \(\frac{\partial R_R}{\partial v}=\frac{1}{4\sqrt{P_L^2-2P_L-.75v+1}}>0\), \(\frac{\partial R_L}{\partial v}=\frac{1}{4\sqrt{P_R^2+2P_R+.75v+1}}>0\) when \(-\underline{v}<v<0\). Note that \(\frac{\partial \widehat{P_L}}{\partial P_R}\frac{\partial \widehat{P_R}}{\partial P_L}<1\), so that \(1-\frac{\partial \widehat{P_L}}{\partial P_R}\frac{\partial \widehat{P_R}}{\partial P_L}>0\). Therefore, \(\frac{\partial P_L{*}}{\partial v}>0\) when \(-\underline{v}<v<0\). As such, \(P_L^I<P_L*\). \(\square\)

Proposition 6

If \(-\underline{v}\,<v\, <\underline{v}\) , then \(E(U_L^I)>E(U_L*)>E(U_L^C)\) . The incumbent benefits from moving first irrespective of whether the incumbent or challenger benefits from a valence advantage.

Proof

This follows directly from Propositions 2, 4 and 5. The incumbent can always do at least as well as if she were a candidate in an open seat. However, the incumbent as first-mover chooses a policy position further left than the open-seat equilibrium in order to increase her expected utility. Given that the reaction functions are upward sloping, L’s iso-utility curve is concave to her policy axis, and lower iso-utility curves are associated with higher utility, it follows that if \(P_L^I<P_L{*}<P_L^C\) then \(E(U_L^I)>E(U_L*)>E(U_L^C)\). \(\square\)

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Redmond, P. Incumbent-challenger and open-seat elections in a spatial model of political competition. Public Choice 170, 79–97 (2017). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11127-016-0383-y

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