The United Nations Sustainable Development Goal’s Target 4.5 calls for gender equality and inclusion in education. Ghana has made substantial progress toward the full inclusion of girls in education. However, a substantial number of girls living in Ghana’s three northern regions are still out of school, have low participation rates, or are likely to drop out. This is particularly true for girls who are facing barriers such as teenage pregnancy, child marriage, bonded slavery, extreme poverty, or other barriers. These girls need additional help to enter and succeed in primary school. Though the government of Ghana recognizes and is addressing this problem, the culture and traditions of some families in these three northern regions are unsupportive of girls’ participation in school.

The reasons that girls from low-income families are not in school are complex and context-specific, and any intervention to promote girls’ education should address this complexity with multidimensional and culturally appropriate interventions. The Strategic Approaches to Girls’ Education (STAGE) project developed and implemented an intervention that helped a sample of the remaining out-of-school girls in the three northern regions enter and be successful in school. STAGE has worked with 8333 girls, their parents or caregivers, and community members in the three northern regions. The girls will become role models and agents who support girls’ education in their communities.

Funding for STAGE from the United Kingdom Agency for International Development (UKAID) began in 2018 and will end in 2023. This paper reviews the literature that informed the design of this intervention, describes the intervention, reports on the impact of the intervention on the participants, presents the findings from an in-depth study of a sample of 36 girls, and suggests a model for replicating this intervention in Ghana and adapting it for implementation in other countries.

Literature review

In Ghana, increases in enrollment and retention of girls in formal education have stagnated (UIS, 2018). Unfortunately, socio-cultural practices and economic necessity cause some low-income parents to see school as a good investment for boys but not for girls (World Bank, 2011). When parents do send their girls to school, the girls face sexual harassment and abuse from their peers and teachers, which causes them to drop out (CRRECENT, 2009). Seasonal migration, fosterage, early marriage, extreme poverty, and teenage pregnancy also contribute to high dropout rates (CAMFED, 2010). The poor quality of teaching, teacher absenteeism (Alhassan & Adzahlie-Mensah, 2010; Hunt, 2008), and the lack of sanitation facilities (UNICEF, 2010) are additional factors contributing to the low retention rate of girls.

A nationwide analysis of girls’ education in Ghana by Associates for Change (2011) concluded that only a few of the projects that focused on girls’ education effectively addressed issues of gender equality and empowerment and reduced barriers to participation by girls. STAGE is an intervention that aims to foster aspirations and empower girls to be advocates for their education and help parents accept girls’ education as consistent with their cultural values and the well-being of their family and community. STAGE draws on the literature that explores the development of girls’ aspirations to attend school, examining how culture can constrain those aspirations, in order to understand ways to increase support and lower barriers to participation in school.

Aspirations

HART (2016) defines aspirations as “…future-oriented, driven by conscious and unconscious motivations, indicative of an individual or a group commitment to a particular trajectory or endpoint” (p.326). Nussbaum (2005) suggests that a person may not express their aspirations due to culture, habit, and fear. Ray (2003) argues that a person’s aspirations are often shaped by people who are similar to them in societies that do not have a lot of diversity. Out-of-school girls who live in communities that have low female participation in primary school may not aspire to be educated because they do not engage with people who have different experiences, social status, or resources. Bourdieu (2010) identifies this phenomenon as habitus, which he defines as the cultural aspects, interactions with others, and elements in a person’s surroundings that shape their perception of tradition, custom, and norms.

STAGE implemented participatory community mapping exercises that identified out-of-school girls in three of Ghana’s northern regions (Upper West Region, Upper East Region, and Northern East Region). The exercise focused on girls who were 10 to 14 years old and had not attended primary school or dropped out before grade 4. After enrollment, STAGE established community support structures and implemented a community-based accelerated learning program that built the girls’ aspirations to attend and succeed in school within their families and communities. Girls were supported to form and achieve the aspiration to join and be successful in school, but they were also supported to change their habitus and that of their parents and community. Hart (2016) argues that this change in habitus can happen throughout several generations through intergenerational transfers. Once they are adults, the girls who gained literacy and math skills in school can in turn provide resources and support to their children to form their own, more ambitious, aspirations. These girls can also have an impact on other parents in their communities.

The habitus is changed by conversion factors, which Robeyns (2021) defines as the support that enables a person to achieve an aspiration. Nussbaum (2015) suggests that conversion factors build new personal capabilities through actions motivated by aspiration, and Ray (2003) uses the term aspiration gap to describe the gap between the current situation and the aspired life an individual envisions. Ray (2003) suggests that if the aspiration gap is too small or too large, it might not motivate or could frustrate a girl in her efforts to achieve an aspiration. In STAGE, conversion factors take the shape of a conversation between girls and peer educators that is supported by the provision of student learning materials, the building of parental and community support, and the provision of remedial education that focuses on the skills they need to succeed in school.

DeJaeghere (2016) suggests that aspiring to complete an education might be a conversion factor because gaining an education has the potential to lead girls to more prosperous, healthier, and longer lives (UNICEF, 2021). A girl’s education can also benefit her family and the social and economic development of her country (Wodon, 2018).

In addition to the need to make education relevant and aligned with girls’ aspirations, Appadurai (2004) suggests that programs must address cultural influences that have an impact on aspirations. Vavrus (2002) suggests that culture is both constraining and a potential catalyst for change. Government, communities, and other stakeholders must work together to create an enabling environment that supports girls in their efforts to define and achieve their aspirations and also build agency, a process in which girls are accessing information, considering their options, and working toward achieving their aspirations (Sen, 2011). DeJaeghere (2016) suggests that this agency can lend support to girls in their effort to achieve individual and collective aspirations.

Culture

Culture can be a hindrance to girls’ education but can also support girls’ aspirations. In many cultures, including those that might be termed traditional, girls’ education has supporters. Fernandez (1986) and Appadurai (2004) demonstrate that a consensus in support of girls’ education can be reached through discussion, rituals, and the use of metaphors that lead to a change in the habitus. This support effort should identify and build on the forms and frequency of interactions in the girls’ culture that are needed to achieve collective aspirations in support of girls’ education. After identifying those interactions, an intervention could renegotiate the collective aspirations of the community members and change the habitus. This in itself can lead to a new consensus, which in turn can lead to support for girls’ participation in school. Hart (2016) suggests that the aspiration to pursue an education is a process that runs through generations. Even if it does not lead to an opportunity for a specific girl to attend school, those aspirations may lead to an opportunity for her children.

In Ghana, a cultural element that has an impact on aspirations is Ubuntu, which is the process of how people’s thoughts and actions are defined through their relationship with their community. Archbishop Desmond Tutu (1999) described Ubuntu as being a person through other persons. Ubuntu drives social life in many African countries. An African concept first described by Samkange (1980), Ubuntu is a philosophy passed on orally from generation to generation through literature, dance, art, poetry, and other means. An aspect of Ubuntu is the recognition that all humans are vulnerable, and with this recognition comes the acknowledgment of the need to cooperate with others. This cooperation then leads to improved well-being and prosperity of both the individual and the community as a whole (Baken, 2015). In Ghanaian culture, in the Akan language, Ubuntu is called Biako Ye, which translates as “unity is great.” The concept of Biako Ye can be used to engage a broader community in supporting girls to have an opportunity to attend school in Ghana.

Ghanaian culture and its national policy framework support girls’ education in general, but the cultural, social, and institutional context of each community in Ghana’s three northern regions influences the aspirations of the girls who live there. This context also dictates the level to which girls need support from a wider group to achieve their aspirations. The STAGE project built local support and lowered barriers to girls’ education in families, communities, and schools.

The intervention

The STAGE project is based on the Complementary Basic Education (CBE) policy of the Government of Ghana. The CBE policy aims to identify male and female out-of-school children and create the motivation and community support needed for these children to enter or reenter primary school and complete their basic education. Despite its initial successes, Casely-Hayford (2017) found that the implementation of the CBE policy had difficulty identifying the most marginalized girls and supporting them to enter and be successful in primary school. STAGE identified these girls, aged 10 to 14 years, and provided them with pedagogical, socio-cultural, and health support. After this initial identification, STAGE enrolled girls in an accelerated learning program that focused on attaining the skills and knowledge of the primary school curriculum, with an emphasis on literacy and math skills, and built community structures that supported girls to join and be successful in school after completion of the program.

STAGE began its intervention with a participatory community mapping exercise that identified 8,333 out-of-school girls, of whom 35% had been to school but dropped out before grade 4 and 65% had never attended school. Working with community stakeholders and district education officials, parents and caregivers were engaged in activities that built their motivation to support the girls in enrolling in a community-based accelerated learning program. The community-based accelerated learning program was led by a facilitator who, with support from a community oversight committee, organized daily lessons to build literacy, numeracy, and life skills.

To keep girls engaged, a study was conducted to identify the barriers that prevent girls from attending school or lead them to drop out before they acquire a basic education. STAGE identified eleven barriers that could potentially block success in school and recommended ways to address them, as follows:

  1. 1.

    Teenage pregnancy—STAGE implemented a behavioral-change campaign that included sensitization for community members about the negative impact of teenage pregnancy on the health of girls and their academic future as well as on their communities. This campaign was coupled with a life-skills education program for the girls that included an orientation to the female reproductive system, contraceptive techniques, and the consequences of teenage pregnancy.

  2. 2.

    Child marriage—STAGE implemented a behavioral-change campaign for girls and community members about the impact of early marriage, the legal framework that governs marriage in Ghana, and the rights of girls. Working together with the Department of Social Welfare, potential cases of child marriage of girls in the STAGE program were investigated.

  3. 3.

    Sexual exploitation, abuse, and harassment—STAGE established a community-based and nationwide mechanism for reporting abuse. The project partnered with the Department of Social Welfare’s program of support for interventions that address prevention, investigation, and survivor support. The project includes a set of child and vulnerable-adult safeguarding policies and practices and a referral mechanism to sources of support for the safeguarding of children and vulnerable adults.

  4. 4.

    Distance and access to school—STAGE distributed bicycles, set up bicycle-maintenance protocols, and provided transition kits that included uniforms, pencils, books, and other learning materials. These materials were provided to each girl for three years after they transitioned to school.

  5. 5.

    Disability—STAGE conducted disability screening. The project worked with the Ghana Health Service to conduct medical assessments and, where needed, provided assistive devices to facilitate learning. In addition, learning spaces, both in the accelerated learning program and in school were screened and made accessible and disability-friendly for girls with impairments. STAGE also supported a behavioral-change campaign that informed the community about the causes of disability and ways to support children with disabilities in their community and schools.

  6. 6.

    Lack of community and parental support—STAGE implemented a behavioral-change campaign that included radio spots, posters, and community events that promoted the importance of girls’ education for the individual and her community. STAGE also established community oversight committees that conducted home visits to support homework and ensure that girls attended the Accelerated Learning Programme and school.

  7. 7.

    Lack of academic skills—STAGE provided peer tutoring, which ensured participants were supported by pupils who have been in school since grade 1, as well as training of a mentor teacher who oversaw academic performance and provided an after-school bi-weekly catch-up class organized by the mentor teacher.

  8. 8.

    Covid-19 or poor health—STAGE initiated a radio campaign that informed communities about prevention and safety measures in the community and households. During the Accelerated Learning Programme, STAGE conducted small group sessions that complied with Ghanaian COVID-19 regulations.

  9. 9.

    Absenteeism—The Community Oversight Committees promoted attendance in the Accelerated Learning Programme, while trained school-based mentor teachers oversaw attendance in the school and conducted home visits when girls were absent more than two days per week.

  10. 10.

    Safeguarding concerns in school—STAGE provided training for mentor teachers in the prevention and reporting of safeguarding concerns using both school and community-based reporting mechanisms.

  11. 11.

    Insufficient support in school—STAGE collaborated with the Ghana Education Services on joint monitoring visits, identification and training of mentor teachers, and establishment of a peer education system.

Of the total of 8,333 out-of-school girls who initially enrolled in STAGE, 8,245 transitioned to primary schools. After nine months in the Accelerated Learning Programme, the academic performance of the girls improved significantly, with the majority achieving learning levels similar to grade 4 or higher. However, a girl who is 14 years old might find it difficult to sit in a class with students who are seven or eight years old. In these cases, the project staff worked with school administrators to employ a set of indicators to determine the best grade placement. The first and most important indicator was educational achievement. However, school directors weighed each girl’s educational achievement against grade-level benchmarks and then took age, distance to school, and social-emotional development into account to make the final decision.

Another barrier that needed to be addressed was the language of instruction. While the STAGE classes use the girls’ mother tongue in teaching and learning, schools use only the local languages in grades 1 to 3, and that language might be one the girls do not know. Starting in grade 4, local language instruction is a subject, and all other subjects are taught in English (Nyamekya, 2021). In addition, some of the teachers in the upper primary grades do not speak or understand the local language of their students. The STAGE project responded to this need by developing a two-month learning program focused on oral English proficiency. Facilitators in the STAGE communities were trained to improve students’ English vocabulary and provide practice speaking English. However, the program did not include English reading instruction.

Learning gains

After completion of the Accelerated Learning Programme, 61.2% of the 8245 girls transitioned to grade 4 or higher, with 15.2% transitioning into grade 5, 16.1% into grade 6, and 7.9% into junior high school (WE, 2021). This indicates that learning gains during the nine-month program were higher compared to prior community-based education programs. To gain further insight into academic performance, the project assessed the learning gains for a sample of 36 girls (18 program participants and 18 school pupils), after the program participants had been in those schools for six months. The assessment employed the Annual Study of Education Report (ASER) test. The ASER reading test assesses five levels of skill: (1) not able to read letters, (2) able to read letters, (3) able to read words, (4) able to read short paragraphs, and (5) able to read a story. The ASER math test also assesses five levels of skill: (1) not able to solve problems; (2) knows numbers; (3) able to solve simple addition, subtraction, multiplication, and division problems; (4) able to utilize the same four functions with larger numbers; and (5) a test comprising the addition of fractions, simple measurement, and representing fractions as a percentage.

The sample was small, but the goal was limited to verification of the observations of STAGE staff and school teachers that the program participants were catching up to their peers who had been in school since grade 1. The findings in Figure 1 are the percentage of girls who tested at the top-two reading and top-three math levels. In two of the three regions, participants (former STAGE girls who transitioned to school) and school students (who had been in school since grade 1) had similar scores. The third region had much lower scores for program participants. The findings are presented in Figure 1 for both three and two regions.

Figure 1
figure 1

Reading and math scores

Full size image

While the outcomes of this assessment cannot be applied to all girls in the program, the pattern of significant learning gains is confirmed by other data from external evaluations and program monitoring. In this particular sample, it is observed that in two of the three regions, the literacy and numeracy skills of the transitioned girls were similar to or higher than their peers who had been in formal education since grade 1.

Supports to learning

A qualitative study recorded the perceptions of participants regarding the impact of the program on their success in school and the fulfillment of their aspirations and the perception of their teachers about the impact of the program on learning and community support. Trained data collectors recorded interviews and produced transcripts. The research team read the interview transcripts and identified patterns in the data. The research team then discussed the patterns and constructed a thematic map by identifying correlations between codes, subthemes, and main themes (Creswell, 2013). The quality of the data analysis and report writing was assured by following the thematic analysis protocols of Braun (2006). Through this immersion in the data, the team was able to identify patterns of behavior and beliefs that led to conclusions about their meaning (Wolcott, 1994). The study collected data through (1) semi-structured interviews with girls and teachers, (2) in-school literacy and numeracy assessments, (3) a review of school-attendance data, and (4) a survey for parents and caregivers.

These studies employed a capability approach that was informed by findings from research about girls’ aspirations and how these aspirations are influenced (Okkolin, 2016). As outlined in the literature review, in countries that are similar to Ghana, aspirations are influenced by community and family members (Khattab, 2015), and this influence can create the enabling environment that girls need to form and achieve their goals (Cin, 2020, Appudarai, 2004). The capability approach identifies how well girls can access and convert the resources provided by STAGE into success in school. This study focused on the perceptions of the girls, their families, community members, and school staff as to the impact of the conversion factors supported by the STAGE project on the participant’s aspirations and achievements.

The study also employed Creswell’s (2013) approach to critical ethnographic design, which links the insights of individuals to the political, economic, and cultural structures that have an impact on their lives. This choice allowed girls and their communities an opportunity to articulate their lived experiences and identify the underlying beliefs and rules of behavior that guide that experience. As a cultural theme, the research team chose Transition to a Better Life. This transition has three stages: (1) from being out of school to being in the Accelerated Learning Programme, (2) transferring to a formal education program, and (3) living a better life of their choosing. The researchers collected data on (1) how effective the support system was in keeping girls in school from the perspectives of the community, family, and school, (2) if girls perceive their progress as fulfilling their initial aspirations, and (3) which specific program interventions were most effective in promoting individual, family, and communal well-being

Keeping girls in school

Community members said that they might not want to invest in the education of girls if they deem that girls’ aspirations for an education are not feasible. STAGE succeeded in identifying and enrolling a large number of marginalized girls into formal education, but the girls are always at risk of dropping out. The most effective support system component mentioned by the girls was the support of their parents, in particular their mothers. Research confirms that this is one of the most important factors in promoting attendance and improving student learning (Bryan, 2005; Suleman, 2012). Though girls’ parents voiced support for education, girls reported struggling to attend school because of their parents' request to work on the family farm.

Teachers stated that, despite difficulties with English language skills, STAGE participants were improving in reading and math and were competitive with their school peers. However, teachers judged both groups of students as having reading and mathematical skills that were not up to their grade level. These low competency levels in relation to the grade-level benchmarks set out in the Ghanaian basic education policy may suggest that the benchmarks are set too high. Program participants reported that the catch-up classes, organized twice per week, helped participants address academic challenges and complete their homework. The mentor teacher was often mentioned by participants as the person to whom they could go with challenges around attendance, learning, safeguarding, and personal well-being.

Many of the girls reported that their mothers supported them in going to school, but none of the girls mentioned their fathers. Mothers, particularly when empowered and working together in association with other community members, can have a positive impact on the enrollment and attendance of girls in school (Midling, 2005). Research (Awan, 2015; Jeynes, 2005) suggests that if girls are successful in school, their children are more likely to attend and be successful in school.

Mentor teachers and Community Oversight Committee members were mentioned by all girls as motivators and community-based supporters for girls’ education, but their roles could be strengthened to address challenges in learning and attendance. At the time of data collection, mentor teachers were not well trained or resourced to help girls with learning and attendance, although more rigorous support and training were scheduled to occur in the months ahead.

STAGE had success in identifying out-of-school girls and building community support for their enrollment into the Accelerated Learning Programme and later into formal education. Qualitative data from interviews with girls highlighted the community animation and entry component as the starting point of changed parental and community perceptions toward girls’ education. This is supported by the positive view of some parents toward girls’ education. The participatory approach of community mapping might be one support contributing to this success.

A short-term intervention, such as STAGE, may not lead to sustained change in community norms and beliefs regarding girls’ education. However, providing some girls with the resources and a support system that allows them to succeed in school may begin a generational change in attitudes about girls’ participation in school (Bourdieu, 2010). All the girls who were interviewed expressed that they aspired to finish primary school and would like to continue to junior high school. Some girls said they would like to go to senior high school as well. The high percentage of girls who transitioned from the accelerated learning program (95%) to school participation, the significant learning gains, and the girls’ appreciation of the accelerated learning program are signs of the effectiveness of the STAGE project and the ability of girls to convert resources into the achievement of their aspiration of enrolling into formal education.

Laube (2015) states that youth in the Northern Ghanaian regions are not different from their peers in the south or other countries. When provided with resources and support and when their vision and aspirations become broader, many aspire to modern careers, access to social services, and material improvements. Some girls reported that they aspire to become teachers or nurses. However, some parents were not confident that finishing basic education would provide their girls with a better chance to find a job. There is, therefore, a need to address youth unemployment to provide parents with a reason to support their daughters’ participation in formal education.

One key to the success of the program was meetings held with elders, community leaders, religious leaders, and government stakeholders to establish a new collective consensus (Fernandez, 1986). The concept of Ubuntu suggests that any effort for change should begin with a community discussion about the level of vulnerability of out-of-school girls and consider the benefits that education has on communal well-being (Baken, 2015). This communal well-being goes beyond the right of individual girls to have access to education. By presenting these facts and illustrating the position of the girls, following the Ubuntu principles community members could decide to cooperate. Collective action could be a critical support to girls’ education (Binder, 2009).

However, once communities unite in their aspiration to provide education to girls, the STAGE project experience has shown that community oversight could provide a liaison function between girls, their parents or caregivers, and traditional authorities. Community oversight committee members played important roles in monitoring attendance and learning and as trusted adults to whom girls could report safeguarding concerns. The committee members have the potential to sustain this intervention once project support stops, and they are in a position to support girls to achieve their aspirations (Robeyns, 2021).

Aspirations

During the community mapping interviews, girls expressed that they became motivated to enroll in the accelerated learning program when it became clear they would get support in their transition to school. During the community entry and the accelerated learning program, community oversight committee members, facilitators, and other partners conducted community sensitization activities to explain why it is important to educate girls. From the first contact with the program communities, program staff made it clear that the program would benefit individual children, their families, and the community. Many girls expressed that they now understand the importance of girls’ education and now want to complete primary education and continue to secondary education. All girls interviewed continued to express similar aspirations after being in school for six months. However, parents were not unanimously positive in their hopes that their children would find better jobs after finishing school. Five factors that threaten the fulfillment of these aspirations emerged in the interviews: (1) insufficient parental support, (2) corporal punishment by teachers, (3) low oral English and reading proficiency gaps, (4) poor learning environments, and (5) malnutrition.

On the positive side, girls reported that they enjoy their education and the opportunity to mingle with their peers who have been in school since grade 1. Several girls reported that this was because they were from the same community and already knew each other. Other girls reported that food and water were shared at school, and this created positive relationships among all the girls in a class. Another support was the bicycles provided to girls who were living far from the school. During community mapping, more than 250 girls were identified as living in remote areas (WE, 2020). Since the secondary schools were often even farther away, the bicycles made attendance possible.

Effective project interventions

In interviews with students and teachers, the distribution of transition kits (a uniform, student books, pencils, a bag, notebooks, and other materials that could be used during their study) was mentioned as a key intervention that supported attendance and learning. The kits also gave girls a feeling of dignity because they look just like their peers in school. The kits may have also supported the positive social integration that seems to have taken place.

In the interviews, girls reported that the support they received from the facilitators was also valuable. When asked, about catch-up classes, organized twice per week, girls said the classes helped them to address academic challenges and to complete their homework. However, the peer education component was not mentioned by girls or teachers as critical support. The mentor teacher was mentioned by girls as a person to whom they could go with challenges around attendance, learning, and safeguarding. However, at the time of data collection, training of these mentor teachers was limited.

Conclusions

Throughout the literature review, data collection, and analysis the project staff and leadership have explored how aspirations are formed, influenced, and achieved as well as which resources are supportive of conversion factors for the girls and their community. The staff and leadership have looked at this through a cultural lens, with the intent to identify culturally appropriate interventions to promote girls’ education. The staff of the STAGE project and others like it should constantly reflect on their project design to ensure that girls are indeed able to convert resources into the achievement of school participation and success. The Ubuntu philosophy, with its focus on human relations, harmony, and cooperation (Samkange, 1980), provides an African lens that can be used to focus the resources of a project on individual girls within their larger world of family and community. To allow girls to achieve their aspirations, the community, parents, and schools need to cooperate. This cooperation supports girls in making progress and succeeding.

Once a country builds a primary school system that provides an opportunity for all children, it must ensure that all children benefit from a successful project design for achieving that goal. STAGE accomplished this goal by (1) engaging with community leaders and parents, (2) providing reading and math instruction to prepare out-of-school girls for success in school, and (3) collaborating with primary schools. These three components might look different in another country, or even in a different region in Ghana, but the current study suggests that these three components should be part of any intervention to support girls’ participation in school.