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From Communal Patriotism To City-State Chauvinism: Transformation of Collective Identities in Northern Italy, 1050–1500

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Abstract

At the turn of the first millennium, the rise of autonomous communes and city-states in northern Italy coincided with the development of a particular sense of attachment to land and city, which is widely labeled as civic patriotism. Neither the transformation of these collective identities across time nor the macrostructural dynamics behind this transformation has received much attention. Through an examination of these communes and city-states from the eleventh to the sixteenth century, this paper unpacks different forms of collective identities that prevailed in northern Italy in different periods of time, all of which have previously been labeled as “patriotism” in the literature. The differentiation I propose between “communal patriotism,” “civic nationalism,” and “city-state chauvinism” presents a more nuanced picture which highlights the differences in the ways these collective identities are produced, reproduced, and transformed. My analysis also discusses the role played by macrostructural dynamics (e.g., changing climate in the macropolitical economy as well as inter-city-state system in the peninsula) in transforming these collective identities. Alongside a longue durée evolutionary transformation, there were two conjunctural moments which created ruptures in the transformation of collective identities in northern Italy: The first took place during the territorialization of the communes and the conquest of the contado in the mid-twelfth century and the second occurred in the aftermath of the crisis of the fourteenth century.

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Notes

  1. This is not the only distinction in the literature. Scholars that belong to ethnonationalist school of thought argue that nationalism is love of one’s nation and patriotism is love of one’s state (Connor 1994, p. 2002). This perspective, however, excludes all civic forms of nationalism from the definition of nationalism. Ethnosymbolist scholars prefer the term patriotism (instead of nationalism) when they talk about small-sized polities in world history—such as medieval city-states in Venice and Florence—despite similarities in their definition of (civic) nationalism and “patriotism” in these city-states (see Smith 2010).

  2. The distinction between “communes” and “city-states” is very difficult to make. Although historians often use these terms interchangeably (Scott 2012, p. 21; Epstein 2000), they are distinct but partially overlapping forms of communal associations or corporations known as universitates. In this paper, I use the term “commune” when these entities have partial autonomy, and reserve the term “city-state” for universitates that gained their full de facto or de jure sovereignty (Epstein 2000).

  3. Lopez (2005, p. 70) once defined Italian communes as the “government of the merchants, by the merchants for the merchants”. Although this statement turns attention to the role played by merchants in these societies, it does not do justice to the complex class structure of these societies. Different and fluid forms of nobility also had a prominent place in the class structure of the early communes (see Jones 1997, pp. 143–145; Martines 1988, pp. 29–33; also see Vigueur 2003). Because some sections of the nobility also heavily engaged in trade, it was very difficult to distinguish between mercantile and noble/military classes in northern Italy. Nor was it easy to derive social classes based on professions since most were engaged in more than one type of economic activity (Waley 2013, pp. 12–30). Postan’s description of medieval Italian communes as “mixed societies of noblemen and rentiers (milites), of shopkeepers and artisans, notaries and peasants (pedites)” (1966, p. 348) describe this complex structure more effectively.

  4. It must be noted that there is still a dispute over the extent of the membership to the communes and if the oaths were voluntary in the early communal era. There is probably significant temporal and spatial variety in existing practices. Weber (1958, p. 10) writes that as inter-city-state warfare accelerated, more people were forced to join the commune. “[W]ars accelerated the internal structuring of the communes for within the city the mass of the burghers were forced to join the sworn communal brotherhood. Resident urban noble and patrician families often led the way in the institution of fraternization, taking under the civic oath all inhabitants qualified by land ownership. Whoever did not enter voluntarily was forced to join”. Yet, it is not clear when exactly this process started. As we will examine in the next section, after the conquest of the contado, there is an overall trend whereby each commune starts to force new inhabitants to make their oaths.

  5. There is an ongoing debate over the nature of these struggles and violence. Recent scholarship brings new political insights to the intensification of power struggles and to a paradox of state violence whereby attempts to prevent destructive violence through the use of violence gradually start a process of monopolization of violence. Zorzi (2010) argues that the magnates were attacked and demonized by the popolo in order to ideologically legitimize their newly emerging regimes. Marie Vigueur (2003) argues that the increasing raids of the countryside/contado by the urban milites in the thirteenth century were linked not only to the acquisition of spoils but also to the pursuit of diplomacy by other means. Vigueur (2003, pp. 313–315) also associates the emergence of “culture of conflict” in the thirteenth century with the adoption of “the knightly mentality” by “the more-well-to-do among the lower classes” (also see Zorzi 2010, p. 35).

  6. An interesting evidence for the mass popularization of these saints is the “antroponymic revolution” that started this era. “In the twelfth century names with a specifically Christian character were rare” but this started to change rapidly after the thirteenth century. For instance, “a recent investigation of the anthroponymy of Genoa shows 11.72 percent of a representative sample of the population with saints’ names from 1099 to 1199; 23.33 per cent in the years 1200–99; and 66.66 per cent in 1300–1401” (Larner 1980, p. 247).

  7. The earliest known carroccio was constructed by Archbishop Heribert in Milan in 1039.

  8. It must be noted that in addition to these new practices, former practices of the early communal era—which marked patriotism—also continued. Oaths were still made. Almost every citizen continued to devote their time remaining from their professional and other preoccupations to the administration of the commune affairs (Waley 2013, pp. 46–52). Likewise, citizens of the Italian city-states originally organized their protection in the form of “militias” (Lane 1973, p. 49; Abu-Lughod 1989, p. 113; McNeill 1974; McNeill 1982, pp. 72–73; Waley 2013, pp. 50–51; Mallett 1974, p. 11; Davis 2013, p. 223). So the transition from “communal patriotism” to “civic nationalism” also had some elements of continuity.

  9. For examples of the manifestations of these “patriotic”/civic nationalist attachments in social life and in the literature, see Martines 1988, p. 125; Burckhardt 1914, pp. 338–342; Dean 2000, pp. 121–124).

  10. These examples can also be extended to communes’ attitudes toward religious minorities as well. In his comparison of the ethnic and religious hostilities in Early Modern port cities of Europe, Barrington Moore (2001) observed that Genoa had a positive record in treating Jews between the twelfth and fourteenth centuries, which he saw as a “good index of its general attitudes toward ethnic minorities [in general]” (Moore 2001, p. 696).

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Acknowledgments

I would like to thank Şefika Kumral, Daniel Pasciuti, Beverly Silver and anonymous reviewers of International Journal of Politics, Culture and Society for their useful comments, suggestions and feedback.

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Karataşlı, Ş.S. From Communal Patriotism To City-State Chauvinism: Transformation of Collective Identities in Northern Italy, 1050–1500. Int J Polit Cult Soc 29, 73–101 (2016). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10767-015-9207-1

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