Abstract
In this paper we discuss the endogenous formation of climate coalitions in an issue-linkage regime. In particular, we propose a preferential free trade agreement on which a climate coalition should be built. The basic idea is that the gains of free trade can provide strong incentives for countries to join the coalition. As a framework, a multi-stage strategic trade model is employed in which each country may set an emission cap being effective on a permit market. In addition, a discriminatory import tariff may be imposed on dirty goods. However, at the heart of our approach is a preferential free trade arrangement among the members of a climate coalition leading to a favourable shift in the terms of trade. As a main result, trade liberalisation is found as an institution highly effective in building climate coalitions. In particular, the parametrical simulation of the model shows that participation in joint emission reduction is higher, consumption patterns are more environmentally friendly, and coalitional welfare is much more improved than in case of a single-issue environmental agreement.
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Barrett (1997a, 2001), Botteon and Carraro (1997, 2001), Eyckmans and Finus (2006, 2007), Bosello et al. (2003), Rose et al. (1998), Carraro et al. (2006), McGinty (2007), McGinty et al. (2012), Nagashima et al. (2009), Weikard et al. (2006), and Weikard (2009), among others, address the effect of side-payments and different burden sharing rules on the formation of IEAs.
The idea of linking exclusive market and trade benefits to the gradual formation of a climate coalition is currently experiencing a revival within the so-called ‘climate club’ literature (for the concept, see Leal-Arcas 2011, 2013; Weischer et al. 2012; Stewart et al. 2013; Leycegui Gardoqui and Ramírez 2015; for economic climate club modelling, see Nordhaus 2015 and Hovi et al. 2017).
Please note that the superscript D indicates quantities demanded.
Here, the first index represents the country of origin and the second one represents the country of destination.
It is worth mentioning that the assumptions made in connection with the identical endowments imply symmetry among firms.
A profound collection of various fuel regulations can be found at www.transportpolicy.net.
Please see also the footnote about Walras’ Law at the end of this subsection.
From this follows that Walras’ Law holds, i.e. if the markets for the dirty are in equilibrium then the market for the clean good will be in equilibrium too. Assuming that (13) holds, we get that \(\sum ^n_{i=1}{x^D_i} - \sum ^n_{j=i}{x^S_i} = \sum ^n_{i=1}{(x^D_i - x^S_i)} = \sum _{i = 1}^n\sum _{j = 1}^n p_j e^S_{ij} - \sum _{i = 1}^n p_i e^D_i + \sum _{i \in C}{\sum _{j \in C}(t_j e^S_{ij})} - \sum _{i \in C} \sum _{j \in C} (t_i e^S_{ji})\). By exchanging the indices in the first and last double sum, we get \(\sum _{j = i}^n\sum _{i = 1}^n p_i e^S_{ji} - \sum _{i = 1}^n p_i e^D_i + \sum _{i \in C}{\sum _{j \in C}(t_j e^S_{ij})} - \sum _{j \in C} \sum _{i \in C} (t_j e^S_{ij}) = \sum _{i = 1}^n \sum _{j = i}^n p_i e^S_{ji} - \sum _{i = 1}^n p_i e^D_i = \sum _{i = 1}^n (\sum _{j = i}^n p_i e^S_{ji} - p_i e^D_i) = 0\).
Please note that we obtain symmetric policy results in both, the BAU and the SP scenario due to the homogeneous production structure prevailing in all countries.
The stability concept was originally elaborated by D’Aspremont et al. (1983) for the analysis of cartel formation in an oligopoly and has later been adapted to the IEA context (see Carraro and Siniscalco 1993; Barrett 1994, and many others). It should be noted that other stability and equilibrium concepts have been developed further by both, the cooperative and non-cooperative literature on coalition formation, implying different rules of the game. A comprehensive overview is provided by Bloch (1997), Carraro and Marchiori (2003b), Finus (2003), Bréchet et al. (2011), among others.
It should be noted that the stability conditions are formulated for the case of symmetric countries. If heterogeneous countries were considered, the condition would require a reformulation to allow for asymmetries across countries (see, for instance, Carraro 1999).
The emission gap (welfare gap) is defined as the difference in global emissions (global welfare) between the BAU scenario and the SP scenario. Thereby, it represents the coalition’s scope of potential emission reductions (potential maximum welfare gains).
Again, please note that the effectiveness measures RE and RW are only defined for the symmetric case. An analysis involving heterogeneous countries would require a reformulation.
With the exception of the trade outcomes, the results of each scenario - with and without the PFTA - are typically highlighted in colour such that it is differentiated between global outcomes (violet line), coalition outcomes (blue line), and fringe outcomes (orange line) which are viewed against the benchmark scenarios BAU (green line) and SP (red line). The respective stable coalition size \(m^*\) is indicated by a dashed line.
In view of the fact that there is no single world market for the dirty good but there are rather n local markets, the terms on which a coalition country \(i\in C\) can export the dirty good is given by the price it receives on a fringe market relative to the coalitional price, i.e. \({TOT}_C=\frac{p_F}{p_C}\). Likewise, the terms of trade of a fringe country \(i \notin C\) must then be the reciprocal value of this price ratio, \({TOT}_F=\frac{p_C}{p_F}\). This definition again refers to symmetric countries and is expressed in terms of the clean good because all local prices of the dirty good are in fact relative prices divided by \(p_x=1\).
Whereas environmental policies take effect on the demand side, production of the dirty good is not restricted by the cap. Therefore, the supply structure is primarily manipulated by tariff policies.
Please note that the graphs indicating the trade volumes exported to a fringe country, \(e^S_{CF}\) and \(e^S_{FF}\), are exactly overlapping in Fig. 12. Moreover, in the \(\lnot PFTA\) scenario, the curves of the supplies designated to a coalition market, \(e^S_{FC}\) and \(e^S_{CC}\), superpose as well.
Of course, this is due to the fact that environmental policies are imposed on consumers, resulting in the specialisation in the production of the dirty good. If, instead, a common emission cap was implemented among producers in coalition countries, market results will be reversed. Then production of the dirty good will be restricted in the coalition which makes it necessary to net import the dirty good from the fringe countries to meet the excess demand, putting the coalition in the position as an exporter on the world market for the clean good (Kuhn et al. 2018).
The sensitivity analysis for the other parameters suggests that stability as well as the relative effectiveness measures RE and RW are consistently decreasing in b, \(\delta\), and n which confirms the findings by Eichner and Pethig (2015b). Therefore, we have decided to concentrate on the most striking findings, resulting from a variation in the production coefficients \(\alpha _H\) and \(\alpha ^*\).
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Appendix
Appendix
1.1 Emission Outcomes of the Simulation
See Fig. 2.
1.2 Welfare Outcomes of the Simulation
1.3 Policy Outcomes of the Simulation
1.4 Price Outcomes of the Simulation
1.5 Trade Outcomes of the Simulation
1.6 Sectoral Patterns of the Simulation
Please note that, due to the condition in Eq. (11), consumption of the dirty good corresponds to the national emission outcomes depicted by Fig. 7 (see Figs. 15, 16, 17).
1.7 Microfoundation of the PPF
The production possibility frontier in (2) can be derived from the following microfoundation. Every country i is endowed with a certain amount of resources \({\bar{r}}\) which can be allocated to the production of a clean good, \(r_{x_i}\), and a dirty good, \(r_{e_{ij}}\), destined for country j. Thus:
The production of the clean and dirty good is assumed to be described by the following production functions:
Now, rearranging for the resource variable and substituting into the first equation yields:
After rearranging the equation above and noting that the maximum producible amount of the clean good, \({\overline{x}}\), is equal to \(x({\overline{r}}) = {\alpha _x}{\bar{r}}\) (thus \({\bar{r}} = \frac{{\bar{x}}}{\alpha _x}\)), we obtain the equation for the production possibility frontier in (2).
1.8 Policy Benchmarks
1.8.1 Business as Usual
For deriving the optimal policy decisions in the BAU scenario, \(m=0\) is set in the welfare function above. After that, the optimal BAU emission caps are obtained through consideration of the following optimality conditions for a Nash equilibrium:
Noting that \(e_i = e_j\) and \(t_i = t_j, \forall i,j\) because of symmetry, we get a system of two equations with the solution given by (19) and (20).
1.8.2 Social Planner
The SP scenario in turn is obtained by setting \(m=n\). In this case, a global free trade area is implemented where tariffs do not play a role anymore. Analytically, this step is justified by the fact that, for \(m=n\), tariffs are a free parameter. This can be seen by looking at the supply functions of the producers in (6a) and (6b) in which the tariffs appear. If one brings everything to a common denominator in the conditions for the Nash equilibrium, the tariff rates disappear. Therefore, we can set \(t_i=0\) and use symmetry again to derive (21).
1.9 Stackelberg Equilibrium
The Stackelberg equilibrium conditions can be derived as usual by backward induction. The decision of the fringe decision is characterised by the following set of equations.
In order to derive the reaction functions of the fringe countries, we can exploit the symmmetry of the fringe nations. Thus, we can set \(e_F = e_i, \forall i\) and \(t_F = t_i, \forall i\). Analytically, this conforms to the structural symmetry of the equilibrium conditions of the fringe countries. By this we can reduce the number of equations to two and solve for the fringe reaction:
Substituting the fringe reaction functions into the welfare functions, we can derive the following first order conditions for the coalition decisions \(\forall k \in C\):
For \(i = k\) in the above sums we get:
where
and \(e_{kF} := e_{kj}\), \(p_F := p_j\), and \(t_f := t_j\), \(\forall j \not \in C\) because of the symmetric reactions of the fringe countries.
Now, for \(i \not = k\) in the above sums we have:
where
and \(e_{iF} := e_{ij}\), \(\forall i \not \in C\) for similar reasons as above.
It is possible to use the symmetry among the coalition countries to reduce the first order conditions of the coalition to two equations and solve them for \(e_c := e_i\) and \(t_c := t_{i},\)\(\forall i \in C\). This step results in rational functions for \(e_c\) and \(t_c\), where the numerator of \(e_c\) and \(t_c\) are polynomials of third degree and second degree in m, respectively, and the denominators are polynomials of third degree each. Since the coefficients of the powers of m are quite complex multivariate polynomials in the parameters, we decided to proceed numerically in the evaluation of the model.
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Kuhn, T., Pestow, R. & Zenker, A. Building Climate Coalitions on Preferential Free Trade Agreements. Environ Resource Econ 74, 539–569 (2019). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10640-019-00331-0
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10640-019-00331-0
Keywords
- Climate change
- International environmental agreements
- Free trade
- Issue linkage
- Tradable permits
- Strategic trade policy