Abstract
Authors’ Note, May 2021. The first version of this paper was published in May 2020 as a National Bureau of Economic Research working paper, and a subsequent version was published in The Indian Economic Review, a few months later, in September. At the time of publication, the Covid-19 case trends had just started their (transitory) downward trend, one that persisted well into the early part of 2021. That decline was puzzling to many, and almost certainly due to collective precautions taken by a large fraction of Indian citizens. For it was quite unclear, even then, that India’s 2020 lockdown had achieved little else but a sense of real awareness among a large (but alas, not universal) section of the public. Once that public guard was let down, as it was bound to be in the afterglow of the Government’s ill-timed and ill-advised celebratory air, the lack of anything else—expanded medical capacity, widespread vaccine capabilities, oxygen supplies, tracking and tracing facilities—became all too shockingly obvious.
This report is based on several scattered items of information in an environment of relatively scanty hard data, regarding an event-in-progress. The objective is to put together, as an “interim report,” some of the work being done by journalists and scholars, in the expectation that some overall picture will begin to emerge regarding India’s efforts to come to terms with the pandemic. We thank Bishnupriya Gupta, Rajeswari Sengupta, and Lore Vandewalle for helpful comments. Our efforts are dedicated to the memory of Hari Vasudevan: eminent historian, wide-ranging scholar, the gentlest of souls, who left us all too soon. Hari died in Kolkata of Covid-19 on May 10, 2020.
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Notes
- 1.
Government of India information; https://static.mygov.in/rest/s3fs-public/mygov_158884465251307401.pdf.
- 2.
There has been a veritable epidemic of papers on behavioral models of epidemiology, some more explicit than others in modeling individual responses, and all studying optimal lockdowns under various scenarios. For a tiny sample, see (pre-pandemic) Geoffard and Philipson (1996), Fenichel (2013) and Fenichel et al. (2011), and (post-pandemic) Farboodi, Jarosch and Shimer (2020), Garibaldi, Moen, and Pissarides (2020), and Jones, Philippon and Venkateswaran (2020).
- 3.
Excess deaths have been a feature of this pandemic period, leading to the possibility that we may be undercounting covid-19 deaths; see, for instance, Galeotti, Hohmann and Surico (2020). The opposing argument has also been made: that we may be ascribing too many deaths to covid-19, simply because individuals dying of other morbidities may have been found to be infected; see, for instance, Lee (2020).
- 4.
Even months into the crisis, there is confusion among observers and certainly the general public regarding how deadly covid-19 really is; see, for instance, Caroline Chen’s report (2020) in ProPublica.
- 5.
The word “contagious” is invoked relative to some non-behavioral baseline. As already noted, behavioral reactions by the population would alter the effective pace of propagation of the disease.
- 6.
Certainly, with a public that seeks out its own independent information and, in particular, is fully and intelligently informed about aggregate deaths, the epidemiologist cannot successfully manipulate both contagion and fatality rates, but even here there is no incentive for a government policing a lockdown to credibly reveal the correct statistics to the public. This is not a conspiracy theory. It is a simple fact that can be associated even with benevolent (if paternalistic) governance.
- 7.
- 8.
With the obvious lacunae seen in sampling and statistical procedures for some of these studies, we would recommend that JPAL organize a crash course for epidemiologists.
- 9.
See Directions 30 (3 and 4) of the Supreme Court Judgment in Swaraj Abhiyan v. Union of India, Writ Petition (Civil) No. 857 of 2015, available at https://www.legitquest.com/case/swaraj-abhiyan--ii-v-union-of-india-others/9B0E4.
- 10.
This information has been taken from the Annual Report of the Government of India’s Ministry of Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises; see https://msme.gov.in/sites/default/files/MSME-AR-2017-18-Eng.pdf.
- 11.
They argue that by the United Nations poverty criterion of USD 2.50 per day, roughly 325m women are under the line, giving them the lower bound of 125m even if all 200m JDY account holders are under the line as well. The upper bound comes from their estimate that no more than 75% of the JDY holders are below the poverty line.
- 12.
In the same article, Sinha writes: “In Delhi for instance, a non-ration cardholder is required to enroll herself online first by entering their phone number and getting an OTP. They are required to then upload their Aadhar as well as a family photo. Once that is successfully done, they will receive an SMS which has a link to the e-coupon. Beneficiaries are expected to have smartphones through which they open the e-coupons when they go to collect their rations ...Therefore, the assumption is that every person not only has access to a smartphone but also the technical capability to fill in online forms. ...Moreover, after a day of launching, the website was down for over three days because of the overload. There was also a fake website claiming to be issuing ration cards ...Each state seems to be coming up with some such system of identifying or verifying those who should be included, even whilst they are claiming to have made the PDS universal.”.
- 13.
- 14.
The accounts of the PM CARES Fund will be examined by private auditors, and not by the office of the Comptroller and Auditor General of India.
- 15.
For instance, the new threshold for microenterprise is investment up to Rs 1 cr and turnover under Rs 5 cr. The definition earlier was on investment criteria of up to Rs 10 lakh for services and Rs 25 lakh for manufacturing. For more detail, see https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/small-biz/sme-sector/finance-minister-announces-revised-msme-definitions-no-different-between-manufacturing-and-service-enterprises/articleshow/75717694.cms.
- 16.
This roughly aligns with P. Chidambaram’s estimate of Rs. 0.65 tr; see https://www.financialexpress.com/india-news/chidambaram-urges-congress-cms-to-demand-transfer-of-cash-to-poor-families-during-meeting-with-pm-modi/1925437/. Though we do not know how he arrived at this number, his final estimate is sensible.
- 17.
“Labor and Migration in India,” Aajevika Bureau, 2014, http://www.aajeevika.org/labor-and-migration.php.
- 18.
See also, in this connection, Loazya (2020).
- 19.
Here are just three more examples. Alex Broadbent and Benjamin Smart (2020) write: “We are putting in place measures that will lead to malnutrition and starvation for millions of people, and for these horrors, children and especially infants are the most at risk. And very many of those infants are born, and will die, in Africa.” Vikram Patel, a doctor and public health specialist, expresses a similar point of view Patel (2020): “When one balances the vast uncertainties about Covid-19 when the lockdown was imposed ...with the absolute certainty that such a lockdown would massively disrupt the lives and well-being of most of our population, it is hard to conclude that such a preemptive strike was justified.” And Julian Jamison (2020) observes: “Policymakers everywhere may be tempted to focus on the immediate fatalities from covid-19 while eliding the equally real but more remote mortality from malnutrition, psychological distress, extreme poverty, and sociopolitical unrest that lockdowns and economic disruption can cause. Yet the dangers of the latter are far sharper in the developing world ...”.
- 20.
For a useful account of what the state can do with, and must spend on, the public health system in order to make a relatively relaxed lockdown possible, see Muralidharan Muralidharan (2020).
- 21.
The notion of “visibility” applies also in other contexts. For example, Amartya Sen has noted in many of his writings on famine that starvation deaths in a time of famine attract a great deal more attention than do regular, “orderly” deaths due to undernutrition. Similarly, sporadic state action on regulating child labor in “hazardous occupations” such as fireworks attracts more immediate attention than would a long-term, systematic engagement with the phenomenon of “school-less-ness” and child work in family activities.
- 22.
Witness the extravagant spectacle, on May 3rd, of Indian Navy and Indian Air Force (IAF) helicopters showering rose petals on hospitals treating covid patients, and IAF planes conducting flypasts ostensibly to convey gratitude to the health staff battling the epidemic, even as migrant laborers have to buy their train tickets to eventually get back home, and health workers have to struggle without adequate personal protective gear.
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Ray, D., Subramanian, S. (2022). India’s Lockdown: An Interim Report. In: Dutta, M., Husain, Z., Sinha, A.K. (eds) The Impact of COVID-19 on India and the Global Order. Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-8472-2_2
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