Abstract
This chapter focuses on myths and rituals linked to millet in different Taiwanese aboriginal communities; these stories and practices epitomise the way a given local community constructs a space–time to give meaning to the continuities and discontinuities governing its life process. Besides, millet culture positions aboriginal communities vis-à-vis both the Japanese and the Han state apparatus, helping us to approach local rituals from the viewpoint of evolving political and social conditions.
This chapter was previously published in Religion in Taiwan and China: Locality and Transmission, edited by Hsun Chang and Benjamin Penny (Taipei: Institute of Ethnology Academia Sinica), pp. 253–290. My thanks go to Chao Chung Chih 趙中麒, June Lee Li-chun 李禮君 and Claire Shen Hsiun-chen 沈秀臻 who helped me gather preliminary documentation. Olivier Lardinois SJ and Yves Nalet SJ communicated to me precious information and greeted me several times during the course of many years in their Atayal parishes of Hsinchu district. I am also indebted to two persons who, through different ways, gave initial impetus to this research: Nakao Eki Pacidal guided me through the Amis villages of Fata’an and Tafalong in 2008 and 2009, and Alain P. Bonjean shared with me his ethnobotanic knowledge as we continue to collaborate on a long-term comparative project on the religious and ritual dimensions of cereal cultivation.
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Notes
- 1.
This species was clearly distinguished from Setaria italica known in Rukai language as beceng. See Liu (2000).
- 2.
Food Culture in Taiwan, http://taiwanfoodculture.net/ct.asp?xItem=66950&ctNode=2686&mp=1502, accessed 3 January 2014.
- 3.
People living in Hualien county call themselves Pangcah while the ones dwelling in Taitung self-designate as Amis. Early twentieth century Japanese ethnographers were the first to call the entire ethnic group Amis, which is now the only official designation.
- 4.
Yeh’s interpretation remains controversial. Debates around the Amis’ social organisation model go beyond the scope of the present article. We take it as a departure point because of the way it integrates analyses of male age-sets and of matrifocality. Integration into and promotion within an age-set took place during Ilisin, something that continues today.
- 5.
Kawas includes all kinds of spirits, such as deities, ancestors’ spirits and the spirits of plants and animals. Many Amis terms involved in “religious” phenomena are created on the basis of the term kawas.
- 6.
In traditional Amis society, a man marries into, and lives in, the wife’s home. Therefore, the husband normally has no special status in his family of procreation. However, males are responsible for public affairs such as fishing, hunting and fighting for the protection of tribal territory. As such, male elders enjoy the privilege of accepting the millet wine presented by younger family members.
- 7.
On the same day, the coming back of the men to the matrifocal house was accompanied by taboos concerning sexual contacts among husband and wife, the husband staying at the house of his wife’s lineage. Sister-brother relationships were on this day taking precedence over husband-wife relationships. Luo (2005:67).
- 8.
The Bunun people dwell in Nantou, Hualien, Taitung and Kaohsiung counties, and are divided into five subgroups.
- 9.
The debate on the political classification of pre-colonial Formosan societies goes beyond the scope of this article. See for instance Wei (1965) and Huang (1986). It is important to note that political organisation and millet culture were both influenced by tribes’ positioning on coastal, mountainous or intermediary territories.
- 10.
The Rukai’s territory corresponds to twelve different villages located in Pingtung, Taitung and Kaohsiung counties.
- 11.
The antiquity of the puabui rite is subject to disputes and its present character has probably been very much influenced by indigenous cultural tourism.
- 12.
Based on testimonies contributed by Olivier Lardinois and Yves Nalet, and observations in the field.
- 13.
The Sediq people consists of three sub-groups: Tkdaya, Toda and Truku.
- 14.
There are of course other ways to look at headhunting, its present representations and substitutions. In her case studies centred on responses to grief and rage, Yang criticises a “microcosmic view of ritual” and focuses on the way social and individual responses to bereavement interact (2011b:215).
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Vermander, B. (2021). Rituals as Local Knowledge: Millet and the Symbolic Subsistence of Taiwan’s Aboriginal Populations. In: Shih, Sm., Tsai, Lc. (eds) Indigenous Knowledge in Taiwan and Beyond. Sinophone and Taiwan Studies, vol 1. Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-4178-0_6
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