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Patterns of Domination and State Expansion in Early Colonial and Revolutionary Mexico

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Abstract

The chapter discusses concepts of colonialism and internal colonialism criticizing both one-sided structural as well as equally biased agency perspectives and an undifferentiated use of categories, such as the colonizer and the colonized. Following this argument processes of state expansion into the Yucatán peninsula, a marginal region in Mexico, in colonial and revolutionary times are compared. In contrast to the colonial regime, the revolutionary state intended the social and economic enhancement of the rural Maya population. Nevertheless, some similarities can be detected in the forms and means by which the state attempted to extend its domination and control. In both periods the reception of these processes was multifaceted ranging between cooperation, cultural adaptation, and resistance. The local population was rather heterogeneous and the various groups pursued different interests.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    In the context of the Mexican Revolution the term ‘agrarian reform’ (without ‘s’) is generally used being a set expression, although there were many of them indeed.

  2. 2.

    This holds true at least for the twentieth and twenty-first centuries; in the nineteenth century the elite still perceived itself as a civilized minority. See Gabbert (2015).

  3. 3.

    See, for example, Love (1989) for a brief discussion of the historical development of the internal colonialism concept. The dependency-concept was developed by André Gunder Frank, Fernando Henrique Cardoso, Enzo Faletto and others as a critical answer to modernization theory. For a re-evaluation, see Heller et al. (2009).

  4. 4.

    For a recent debate on colonial legacies in Latin America see Adelman (1999) and Patch (1999).

  5. 5.

    See also Gledhill (1988, 313): “The ‘native élite’ which mediated relations between Indian and Spanish sectors, with its control of resources, linguistic fluency in the colonialists’ language, adoption of Hispanic cultural styles, and sometimes even inter-marriage with Spaniards, clearly differed in some orientation from the poorer strata in its communities.”

  6. 6.

    Pablo González-Casanova lists almost every kind of negative, discriminatory relationship as typical for internal colonialism (1965, 36–37).

  7. 7.

    For the recent debate on indigenous agency, see Cope (2010), for a critical discussion regarding the supposedly omnipresent resistance among the natives, see Adorno (1993).

  8. 8.

    According to Sergio Quezada (1993, 19–58) the provinces can be understood as spheres of influence of prominent noble lineages with their followers and dependent populations instead of entities with fixed political or territorial borders.

  9. 9.

    Chicle is the coagulated milky juice used mainly for the production of natural chewing gum. It is obtained by tapping the trunk and the thick branches of the Sapodilla (Achras zapota) during the rainy season.

  10. 10.

    For the history of the Mayas in Yucatán in colonial and early postcolonial times see Farriss (1984), Rugeley (1996), Quezada (1997), Restall (1997), Bracamonte y Sosa (1993, 1994), Gabbert (2004), Patch (1993).

  11. 11.

    See Fallaw (2001). On early revolutionary efforts to mobilize Mayan villages for agrarian reform and to foster a socialist education in Yucatán see especially Paoli and Montalvo (1987), Joseph ([1982] 1992, 129–79, 217–59), Fallaw (1997, 553–61), Eiss (2004).

  12. 12.

    See Chuchiak (2000, 51–73), Hanks (2010, 23–84), Quezada (1993, 72–81), Cunill (2008). As Landa pointed out the missionaries’ educational program focused particularly on the sons of the indigenous nobility.

  13. 13.

    See Chamberlain ([1948] 1966, 315, 319–20), Collins (1977, 236, 243–44), Farriss (1984, 97, 335–36), Clendinnen (1987, 47, 52–53).

  14. 14.

    On indigenous elites who enjoyed certain privileges, see Gabbert (2004, 11–12, 19, 23–25, 33–35), Roys ([1943] 1972, 131–37, 148–60), Quezada (1993, 128–38), Schüren (2017).

  15. 15.

    On the effects of liberal reforms in Yucatán see Güémez Pineda (2005).

  16. 16.

    On the ejido system and the Cardenist agrarian reform in Mexico, Campeche, and Yucatán see Baños Ramírez (1989), Fallaw (2001), Schüren (2003, 66–100).

  17. 17.

    About 40% of the agricultural landholdings in the Mexican territory belonged to indigenous communities before independence. After the fall of Porfirio Díaz in 1911 it was only 5%; cf. Katz (1991, 94).

  18. 18.

    All translations from German and Spanish are mine.

  19. 19.

    On the political movement of the maestros rurales on the Yucatán peninsula see Peña (1942, vol. 2, 180–81); Raby (1968, 1974, Chapter VII); Gabbert (2004, 226–53); Schüren (2005); Fallaw (2001, 2004, 2007), and my interviews with Ramón Berzunza Pinto (1995, 1996).

  20. 20.

    Responding to the frequent absence of the missionaries, many caciques had already included Christian priestly practices in their repertoire. Some caciques had even founded their own ‘Christian church’ (López Medel 1983).

  21. 21.

    Many of these regulations were repeated in the ordinances of Doctor Diego García de Palacio in the early 1580s, showing that their effect was apparently quite small and the fight against idolatry and celebrations of the caciques far from won (García Bernal 1985, 23–39).

  22. 22.

    For Latin America see Barre (1983, 29–100), for Mexico see Gabbert (1992, 35–43; 2007, 111–17).

  23. 23.

    Author’s interview with Nicolás Kantún (1995).

  24. 24.

    Acta que se levanta para hacer constar los motivos que impiden la ejecucion del fallo presidencial que concedio ampliacion de ejidos al poblado de Hopelchén, 11.7.1938, ASRAC, Caja 31, Exp. No. 23/25/031, Primera ampliación, Hopelchén. See also the telegrams of Ing. Gilberto Esparza Castillo to the agrarian delegate in Campeche, Hopelchén, from 7.7. and 8.7. 1938 and of the agrarian delegate A. Rivas Rojo to Ing. G. Esparza, Campeche, 8.7. 1938, ASRAC, Caja 31, Exp. No. 23/25/031, Primera ampliación, Hopelchén.

  25. 25.

    See the letter from Ing. Miguel Martínez Sánchez to the delegate of the agrarian department in Campeche, Xcupilcacab, 17.11. 1943, ASRAC, Caja 42, Exp. No. 23/25/042.

  26. 26.

    See Acta que se levanta para hacer constar los motivos que impiden la ejecucion del fallo presidencial que concedio ampliacion de ejidos al poblado de Hopelchén, 11.7. 1938, ASRAC, Caja 31, Exp. No. 23/25/031, Primera ampliación, Hopelchén.

  27. 27.

    For a discussion of the new idealization of indigenous culture and a positive connotation of the term Indian by Maya-activists and a comparison of the Maya-movement in Guatemala and Yucatán see Schüren (2015).

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Schüren, U. (2019). Patterns of Domination and State Expansion in Early Colonial and Revolutionary Mexico. In: Schorkowitz, D., Chávez, J.R., Schröder, I.W. (eds) Shifting Forms of Continental Colonialism. Palgrave Macmillan, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-9817-9_11

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