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Sri Lanka, the Maritime Silk Road, and Sino-Indian Relations

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China’s Maritime Silk Road Initiative and South Asia

Part of the book series: Palgrave Studies in Asia-Pacific Political Economy ((PASTAPPE))

Abstract

Sri Lanka is a vital node in China’s Maritime Silk Road Initiative given its strategic location. But its proximity to India to and long historical and cultural links with India also mean it is of profound interest to that country. Thus, there is strong potential for the country to become an arena of maritime competition and geopolitical rivalry between the two giants. Indeed, both have attempted to influence Sri Lankan domestic politics while Colombo has tried to extract benefits from them. Still, Colombo recognizes it requires Chinese help to develop and thus has been inclined to act favorably towards Beijing. Karl provides an overview of these dynamics and contemplates: how Sino-Indian frictions over Sri Lanka might affect the MSRI; Sri Lanka’s role in the MSRI; and the MSRI’s potential to enhance China–India relations.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    a For recent proposals, see N. Sathiya Moorthy, “A Bridge across the Palk Strait,” Hindu Business Line, January 27, 2015; C. Raja Mohan, “A Bridge to Sri Lanka,” Indian Express, September 15, 2015; “India to Build Sea Bridge, Tunnel to Connect Sri Lanka at a Cost of Rs 24,000 crore: Nitin Gadkari,” Economic Times, December 17, 2015; and P.K. Balachandran, “Sri Lanka Scuttles Plan for Bridge Over Palk Strait,” New Indian Express, December 19, 2015.

  2. 2.

    Dayan Jayatilleka, “The Indian Reality in Sri Lanka’s Existence,” The Island (Colombo), February 15, 2009. Also see Jayatilleka, “The Geo-Strategic Matrix and Existential Dimension of Sri Lanka’s Conflict, Post-War Crisis and External Relations,” in India and South Asia: Exploring Regional Perceptions, edited by Vishal Chandra (New Delhi: Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, 2015), 46–55; and Sankaran Krishna, Postcolonial Insecurities: India, Sri Lanka, and the Question of Nationhood (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 1999).

  3. 3.

    For elaboration, see David Brewster’s Chap. 3 in this volume, David Brewster , India as an Asia Pacific Power (London: Routledge, 2012); and David Brewster , India’s Ocean: The Story of India’s Bid for Regional Leadership (London: Routledge, 2014).

  4. 4.

    See, for example, Tansen Sen, “Silk Road Diplomacy—Twists, Turns and Distorted History,” YaleGlobal Online, September 23, 2014, http://yaleglobal.yale.edu/content/silk-road-diplomacy-%E2%80%93-twists-turns-and-distorted-history.

  5. 5.

    For overviews of this initiative, see Jean-Marc F. Blanchard’ s introduction to this volume, Simeon Djankov and Sean Miner, eds, China’s Belt and Road Initiative: Motives, Scope, and Challenges (Washington, DC: Peterson Institute for International Economics, March 2016); and Tom Miller, China’s Asian Dream: Empire Building along the New Silk Road (London: Zed Books, 2017).

  6. 6.

    Quotation in Charu Sudan Kasturi, “India Wrinkle on China Silk: Jaishankar Speaks Out on Absence of Consultations,” The Telegraph (Calcutta), July 21, 2015.

  7. 7.

    Suhasini Haider, “Connectivity Plans Not Unilateral,” The Hindu, March 4, 2016.

  8. 8.

    Quotation in Tani Madan, “What India Thinks about China’s One Belt, One Road Initiative (But Doesn’t Explicitly Say),” March 15, 2016, http://www.brookings.in/what-india-thinks-about-chinas-one-belt-one-road-initiative-but-doesnt-explicitly-say). Also see Anirban Bhaumik, “Modi Not to Attend OBOR Meet in Beijing,” Deccan Herald, March 12, 2017; and Anirban Bhaumik, “India Opposed to China’s One-Belt-One-Road,” Deccan Herald, March 3, 2016.

  9. 9.

    For arguments that the Indian Ocean will emerge as a central locus of great-power confrontation between China and India, see Robert D. Kaplan, “Center Stage for the Twenty-First Century,” Foreign Affairs 88, no. 2 (March/April 2009): 16–32; and Rani D. Mullen and Cody Poplin, “The New Great Game,” Foreign Affairs, September 29, 2015, https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/china/2015-09-29/new-great-game. Also consult David Brewster , “India and China at Sea: A Contest of Status and Legitimacy in the Indian Ocean,” Asia Policy, no. 22 (July 2016): 4–10.

  10. 10.

    Ananth Krishnan, “Modi courts Chinese investment, showcasing the ‘Gujarat model,’” The Hindu, November 10, 2011.

  11. 11.

    “Chinese PM Congratulates Narendra Modi; Vows to Take Ties to New Level,” Economic Times, May 26, 2014; and Liu Zongyi, “Modi Ready to Do Business with China,” Global Times, May 19, 2014.

  12. 12.

    Dilasha Seth and Yogima Seth Sharma, “China Offers to Finance 30 Per Cent of India’s Infrastructure Development Plan,” Economic Times, February 20, 2014.

  13. 13.

    The quotes comes from, respectively, Atul Aneja, “China-India Ties Poised for an ‘Orbital Jump,’” The Hindu, September 9, 2014; and Debashish Roy Chowdhury, “Why Modi’s India Is Warming to China,” South China Morning Post, September 17, 2014.

  14. 14.

    “Modi Told Me China And India Are Two Bodies, One Spirit: Xi Jinping,” India Today, September 18, 2014.

  15. 15.

    See Sachin Parashar, “Narendra Modi’s ‘Mausam’ Manoeuvre to Check China’s Maritime Might,” Times of India, September 16, 2014; and Dipanjan Roy Chaudhury, “India Plans Cotton, Ancient Maritime Routes to Counter China’s Ambitions,” Economic Times, April 17, 2015.

  16. 16.

    Gordon Fairclough, “India-China Border Standoff: High in the Mountains, Thousands of Troops Go Toe-to-Toe,” Wall Street Journal, October 31, 2014. According to another report, the Indian army had brought in a Special Forces unit to prepare for the possibility of escalation. Rahul Singh, “India Was Prepared to Use Special Forces during Chumar Faceoff,” Hindustan Times, October 5, 2015.

  17. 17.

    Nirupama Subramanian, “India, China Not to Use Force in Case of Face-Offs,” The Hindu, October 23, 2013.

  18. 18.

    Rajat Pandit, “India Suspicious as Chinese Submarine Docks in Sri Lanka,” Times of India, September 28, 2014.

  19. 19.

    For more on this incident, see Ajai Shukla, “New Delhi Woos Island States, but China Looms Large in Indian Ocean,” Business Standard, November 7, 2014; and David Brewster , “Sri Lanka Tilts to Beijing ,” East Asia Forum, November 26, 2014.

  20. 20.

    Quotation in Frank Jack Daniel, “As Obama Visits, Signs that India Is Pushing Back against China,” Reuters, January 21, 2015.

  21. 21.

    Sachin Parashar, “Sri Lanka Snubs India, Opens Ports to Chinese Submarine Again,” Times of India, November 2, 2014; and Shihar Annez and Ranga Sirilal, “Chinese Submarine Docks in Sri Lanka Despite Indian Concerns,” Reuters, November 2, 2014.

  22. 22.

    John Chalmers and Sanjeev Miglani, “Indian Spy’s Role Alleged in Sri Lankan President’s Election Defeat,” Reuters, January 17, 2015.

  23. 23.

    For more on Maldives, see Srikanth Kondapalli’s contribution to this volume, Chap. 7.

  24. 24.

    See Dharisha Bastian and Gardiner Harris, “Chinese Leader Visits Sri Lanka, Challenging India’s Sway,” New York Times, September 17, 2014; Anusha Ondaatjie, “China Maritime Silk Road Is Sri Lanka’s Boon as Xi Visits,” Bloomberg, September 16, 2014; and James Crabtree, “Sri Lanka Sees Benefits of China’s ‘Maritime Silk Road Plan,” Financial Times, September 17, 2014.

  25. 25.

    Quotation in Daniel, “As Obama Visits, Signs that India Is Pushing Back against China.”

  26. 26.

    For overviews of the expansion of Chinese clout during the Rajapaksa period, see Gunjan Singh, “Growing Chinese Influence in Sri Lanka” (New Delhi: Institute for Defense Studies and Analyses, June 8, 2009); and Nilanthi Samaranayake, “Are Sri Lanka’s Relations with China Deepening? An Analysis of Economic, Military, and Diplomatic Data,” Asian Security 7, no. 2 (2011), 119–146.

  27. 27.

    For a report that India was accelerating military training programs and the supply of defensive weapons for Colombo in order “to counter China’s ever-growing strategic inroads into Sri Lanka,” see Rajat Pandit, “India to Train Lankan Soldiers,” Times of India, July 1, 2008.

  28. 28.

    Quotations in Sandra Destradi, Indian Foreign and Security Policy in South Asia: Regional Power Strategies (London and New York: Routledge, 2012), 79; and “Won’t Stop Military Cooperation with Lanka: Pranab,” Indian Express, October 24, 2008.

  29. 29.

    Harsh V. Pant, “The New Battle for Sri Lanka,” ISN Security Watch, June 17, 2010, http://www.isn.ethz.ch/Digital-Library/Articles/Detail/?lang=en&id=117624; and R.N. Das, “China’s Foray into Sri Lanka and India’s Response.” New Delhi: Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, August 5, 2010.

  30. 30.

    See Wade Shepard, “Sri Lanka and China’s Hambantota Debacle May Now Be ‘Too Big to Fail,’” Forbes, August 4, 2016, https://www.forbes.com/sites/wadeshepard/2016/08/04/sri-lanka-and-chinas-hambantota-debacle-is-too-big-to-fail; Wade Shepard, “The Story Behind the World’s Emptiest International Airport ,” Forbes, May 28, 2016, https://www.forbes.com/sites/wadeshepard/2016/05/28/the-story-behind-the-worlds-emptiest-international-airport-sri-lankas-mattala-rajapaksa; and Jeff M. Smith, “China’s Investments in Sri Lanka,” Foreign Affairs, May 23, 2016, https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/china/2016-05-23/chinas-investments-sri-lanka; Sammer Lalwani, “China’s Port to Nowhere,” Foreign Affairs, April 8, 2015, https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/china/2015-04-08/chinas-port-nowhere. According to one report, the Hambantota airport is so commercially unviable government officials were once considering converting it into a rice storage facility. See Annie Gowen, “Can Sri Lanka’s new Government Break Free from China?” Washington Post, August 16, 2015.

  31. 31.

    For useful background, refer to James R. Holmes and Toshi Yoshihara, “China’s Naval Ambitions in the Indian Ocean,” Journal of Strategic Studies 31, no. 3 (2008): 367–394; Daniel J. Kostecka, “Places and Bases: The Chinese Navy’s Emerging Support Network in the Indian Ocean,” Naval War College Review 64, no. 1 (Winter 2011): 59–78; C. Raja Mohan, Samudra Manthan: Sino-Indian Rivalry in the Indo-Pacific (Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 2012), esp. Chapter 7; Jonathan Holslag, “The Reluctant Pretender: China’s Evolving Presence in the Indian Ocean,” Journal of the Indian Ocean Region 9, no. 1 (2013), 42–52; and Saji Abraham, China’s Role in the Indian Ocean: Its Implications on India’s National Security (Delhi: Vij Books India, 2015).

  32. 32.

    On the debate over the strategic consequences of China’s maritime and naval activity in the region, consult Christopher D. Yung et al., “Not an Idea We Have to Shun”: Chinese Overseas Basing Requirements in the Twenty-First Century” (Washington, DC: National University Press, October 2014); David Brewster , “An Indian Ocean Dilemma: Sino-Indian Rivalry and China’s Strategic Vulnerability in the Indian Ocean,” Journal of the Indian Ocean 11, no. 1 (2015): 48–59; and Morgan Clemens, “The Maritime Silk Road and the PLA,” manuscript, July 2015.

  33. 33.

    For an argument that forward deployments of Chinese nuclear submarines would breach a “redline” set by New Delhi vis-à-vis Chinese naval activities in the Indian Ocean, see James R. Holmes and Toshi Yoshihara, “Redlines for Sino-Indian Naval Rivalry,” in Deep Currents and Rising Tides: The Indian Ocean and International Security, edited by John Garofano and Andrea J. Dew (Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press, 2013), 185–209. On a discussion in Chinese defense-policy circles about using submarines to blockade the Indian coast, see Zachary Keck, “Can China’s Nuclear Submarines Blockade India?” National Interest blog, June 5, 2015, http://nationalinterest.org/blog/the-buzz/can-chinas-nuclear-submarines-blockade-india-13053.

  34. 34.

    Consult, inter alia, Rajat Pandit, “India’s Submarine Fleet Sinking: CAG,” Times of India, October 25, 2008; “CAG Report Pulls Up Navy on Submarine Maintenance, IAF On Procurement Shortcomings,” Indian Express, July 19, 2014; and “How India Lags Behind China in Submarine Race,” Times of India, July 20, 2015.

  35. 35.

    “China’s ‘String of Pearls’ Is Closer Than You Think, Red Intrusion in Indian Waters Sends Jitters,” India Today, April 5, 2013, http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/chinese-nulcear-submarines-in-indian-ocean-send-alarm-bells-ringing/1/260806.html; Rahul Singh, “China’s Submarines in Indian Ocean Worry Indian Navy ,” Hindustan Times, April 7, 2013; and “China Flexes Muscle in Indian Ocean, Navy Concerned,” Times of India, May 13, 2013.

  36. 36.

    Sandeep Unnithan, “Indian Navy Headless as Chinese Nuclear Sub Prowls Indian Ocean,” India Today, March 21, 2014, http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/indian-navy-chinese-nuclear-sub-indian-ocean/1/350498.html.

  37. 37.

    “Chinese Submarine Lurked Past Indian Waters, Docked in Karachi,” India Today, June 27, 2015, http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/chinese-submarine-indian-navy-karachi-indian-ocean-pm-modi/1/447505.html.

  38. 38.

    Vishnu Som, “Navy Alert to Chinese Nuclear Submarine Threat in Indian Ocean,” NDTV, June 2, 2015, http://www.ndtv.com/india-news/navy-alert-to-chinese-nuclear-submarine-threat-in-indian-ocean-767781. Also consult Manu Pubby, “As Sightings of Chinese Submarines Become Frequent, Navy Steps Up Guard in Indian Ocean Region,” Economic Times, August 8, 2015.

  39. 39.

    T. Ramakrishnan, “Sri Lanka is Neither Pro-India Nor Pro-China: Ranil,” The Hindu, April 8, 2016.

  40. 40.

    According to one analyst, Rajapaksa’s defeat showed how Prime Minister Modi’s government “was able to snatch back this pearl from Beijing’s string.” Kadira Pethiyagoda, India v. China in Sri Lanka–Lessons for Rising Powers (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, May 1, 2015). Also consult Heather Timmons, “Sri Lanka’s Election Upset Just Destroyed a Linchpin of China’s Foreign Policy,” Quartz India, January 8, 2015, http://qz.com/323718/how-sri-lankas-surprising-election-results-could-destroy-a-lynchpin-of-chinas-foreign-policy; Ellen Barry, “New President in Sri Lanka Puts China’s Plans in Check,” New York Times, January 9, 2015; and “Wooing Sri Lanka From China’s Embrace,” Bloomberg View, January 11, 2015, http://www.bloombergview.com/articles/2015-01-11/sri-lankas-new-president-offers-a-fresh-start.

  41. 41.

    As Sri Lanka’s new deputy foreign minister recently stated, “If we manage our policies right, we will become the next or even better Singapore or Dubai .” Quoted in Gauri Bhatia, “China, India Tussle for Influence as Sri Lanka Develops,” CNBC.com, April 24, 2016, http://www.cnbc.com/2016/04/24/global-opportunities-china-india-tussle-for-influence-as-sri-lanka-develops.html. Similarly, the country’s prime minister wants to turn the port of Hambantota into a new Shenzhen . Atul Aneja, “China, Sri Lanka to Redefine Colombo Port City Project,” The Hindu, April 9, 2016.

  42. 42.

    Ananth Krishnan, “Sri Lanka Says Will Not Allow Repeat of Chinese Submarine Visits,” India Today, February 28, 2015, http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/sri-lanka-says-will-not-allow-repeat-of-chinese-submarine-visits/1/421571.html; and Ravi Velloor, “Sri Lanka to Allow Chinese Submarines to Visit, Says PM Wickremsinghe,” Straits Times, October 19, 2015.

  43. 43.

    Quotation in Barry, “New President in Sri Lanka Puts China’s Plans in Check.” Also consult Meera Srinivasan, “Colombo Opposition Takes Anti-China Stand,” The Hindu, December 21, 2014.

  44. 44.

    Debasish Roy Chowdhury, “Sri Lanka Looks to China to Buoy Sinking Port,” South China Morning Post, October 11, 2015. Also see Daniel Ten Kate and Anusha Ondaatjie, “China’s Cash Proves Too Irresistible for Sri Lanka to Ignore,” Bloomberg, August 18, 2015; and Debasish Roy Chowdhury, “Let Bygones Be Bygones, Colombo Urges Beijing, as Chinese Loans Take Their Toll,” South China Morning Post, October 18, 2015.

  45. 45.

    Wade Shepard, “Sri Lanka’s Hambantota Port and the World’s Emptiest Airport Go to the Chinese,” Forbes, October 28, 2016, https://www.forbes.com/sites/wadeshepard/2016/10/28/sold-sri-lankas-hambantota-port-and-the-worlds-emptiest-airport-go-to-the-chinese. Also consult B. Channa Kumara, “Sri Lanka Launches China-Led Investment Zone amid Protests,” Reuters, January 7, 2017; and “China Plans to Invest $5 bn in Southern Sri Lanka Economic Zone,” Business Standard, January 8, 2017.

  46. 46.

    Atul Aneja, “China, Sri Lanka Eye New Infra Road Map to Anchor Ties,” The Hindu, April 9, 2016.

  47. 47.

    Aneja, “Expectations High from Ranil’s China Visit,” The Hindu, April 8, 2016; Aneja, “China, Sri Lanka to Redefine Colombo Port City Project;” and Munza Mushtaq, “China Invites India to Join Sri Lanka Offshore City Project,” Asia Times, October 10, 2016.

  48. 48.

    Aneja, “China, Sri Lanka to Redefine Colombo Port City Project;” and “Sri Lanka Approves Chinese Port Project,” Reuters, January 12, 2016. Also see “Sri Lanka Deepening Trade Agreements, Exploring China FTA : Malik,” Lanka Business Online, January 29, 2016, http://www.lankabusinessonline.com/sri-lanka-deepening-trade-agreements-exploring-china-fta-malik; and Ben Blanchard, “Sri Lanka Eyes China Free-Trade Deal This Year, PM to Visit in May,” Reuters, February 4, 2017.

  49. 49.

    Sachin Parashar, “Debt-Ridden Sri Lanka Snuggles Up to China Again at India’s Expense,” Times of India, May 1, 2016.

  50. 50.

    Quotations in Shihar Aneez, “Short of Options, Sri Lanka Turns Back to Beijing’s Embrace,” Reuters, February 11, 2016; and Bhatia, “China, India Tussle for Influence as Sri Lanka Develops.”

  51. 51.

    “Maldives Prefers Chinese Proposals As They Are More Attractive: Gayoom,” Business Standard, March 9, 2016.

  52. 52.

    Jonah Blank: “India’s Engagement with Myanmar: Regional Security Implications of Acting East Slowly,” in Heading East: Security, Trade and Environment between India and Southeast Asia, edited by Karen Stoll Farrell and Sumit Ganguly (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2016), 83.

  53. 53.

    Bureaucratic lassitude in New Delhi , for example, is a major reason why development of the Chabahar port complex on Iran’s Makran coast—a project India emphasizes is critical to its Central Asian ambitions—has been stalled for years. For more, refer to Gohar Motevalian and Iain Marlow, “India Slow to Expand Iran Port as China Races Ahead at Rival Hub,” Bloomberg, October 4, 2016; Amitav Ranjan, “Speed Up Assistance Or Lose Chabahar, Hints Iran ,” Indian Express, January 27, 2016; Kabir Taneja, “India’s Missed Iran Opportunity,” The Diplomat, May 21, 2015, http://thediplomat.com/2015/05/indias-missed-iran-opportunity/; and M. Ramesh, “The Price of Inaction,” Hindu Business Line, July 24, 2014.

  54. 54.

    Shashi Tharoor, Pax Indica: India and the World of the Twenty-First Century (New Delhi: Allen Lane, 2012), 106. A similar argument is contained in N. Sathiya Moorthy, “Sri Lanka: ‘Re-Defining’ or reiterating China-India equations,” South Asia Weekly IX, no. 15 (April 11, 2016).

  55. 55.

    Quotations in C. Raja Mohan, “Modi’s Sagar Mala,” Indian Express, March 11, 2015; and “Modi’s Visit to Sri Lanka,” The Hindu, March 16, 2015. Also refer to Sharmadha Srinivasan, “Assessing India’s Infrastructure Aid Diplomacy,” (Mumbai: Gateway House–Indian Council on Global Relations, March 19, 2015); and M.K. Bhadrakumar, “China’s Regional Strategy Outshines India’s,” Rediff, May 31, 2013, http://blogs.rediff.com/mkbhadrakumar/2013/05/31/chinas-regional-strategy-outshines-indias/.

  56. 56.

    Nilanthi Samaranayake, “India’s Key to Sri Lanka: Maritime Infrastructure Development,” The Diplomat, March 31, 2015, http://thediplomat.com/2015/03/indias-key-to-sri-lanka-maritime-infrastructure-development. Also see Nidhi Verma and Krishna N. Das, “With Eye on China, India Doubles Down on Container Hub Ports,” Reuters, July 28, 2016.

  57. 57.

    On Beijing’s emergence as the world’s largest overseas investor, see David Dollar, China as a Global Investor (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, May 2016); and James Kynge, “China Becomes Global Leader in Development Finance,” Financial Times, May 17, 2016.

  58. 58.

    Rajeswari Pillai Rajagopalan, “India-Sri Lanka Relations under Modi,” in Neighbourhood First: Navigating Ties under Modi, edited by Aryaman Bhatnagar and Ritika Passi (New Delhi: Observer Research Foundation, 2016), 131.

  59. 59.

    Quotations in Barry, “New President in Sri Lanka Puts China’s Plans in Check” and Jessica Meyers, “Sri Lankans Who Once Embraced Chinese Investment Are Now Wary of Chinese Domination,” Los Angeles Times, February 25, 2017.

  60. 60.

    Aneez, “Short of Options, Sri Lanka Turns Back to Beijing’s Embrace.”

  61. 61.

    “India Elected to Board of Directors of AIIB ,” Business Standard, January 18, 2016; and Ananth Krishnan, “India Commits $8 billion to China-led Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank,” India Today, June 29, 2015, http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/indian-investmentaiib-china-south-asia-infrastructure-development/1/447878.html.

  62. 62.

    Ananth Krishnan, “BCIM Corridor Gets Push after First Official-Level Talks in China,” The Hindu, December 21, 2013; and Atul Aneja, “China, India Fast-Track BCIM Economic Corridor Project,” The Hindu, June 26, 2015.

  63. 63.

    C. Raja Mohan, “Towards New Realism,” Indian Express, April 16, 2016.

  64. 64.

    C. Raja Mohan, “Beyond the Boundary,” Indian Express, May 11, 2015. A similar analysis is found in C. Raja Mohan, “Frankly, Beijing,” Indian Express, May 18, 2015.

  65. 65.

    According to one report, the Modi government has given permission to some 18 leading Chinese companies to either set up subsidiaries or establish project offices in India. Aman Sharma, “Intelligence Agencies On Board, Chinese Tourists to Get E-Visas Within Three Days,” Economic Times, September 26, 2015. Also See Aman Sharma, “India to Take Pragmatic Steps To Boost Chinese Investments,” Economic Times, February 9, 2015; Sanjeev Miglani, “Indian Rail Projects Outweigh Rivalry Before Modi’s Visit to China,” Reuters, May 11, 2015; and Rajesh Ahuja, “Now, Chinese Investment Won’t Hit a Security Wall,” Hindustan Times, July 1, 2015.

  66. 66.

    “Govt Mulling Relaxing Security Rules for Chinese Investment,” Business Standard, February 8, 2015.

  67. 67.

    See Bharti Jain, “Intel Agencies Object to E-Tourist Visa for Chinese,” Times of India, May 7, 2015; and Saibal Dasgupta, “China Cheers for Modi after E-Visa Surprise at university,” Times of India, May 15, 2015.

  68. 68.

    For an indication of the scale of India’s infrastructure challenges, see “India Needs $5.15 Trillion in Infra by 2030 to Sustain Growth, Says ADB ,” Hindustan Times, February 28, 2017; and “India Needs $1 Trillion for New Roads, Ports, Airports: Gadkari,” Times of India, January 31, 2016. For recent offers of Chinese assistance on infrastructure, see Sanjeet Mukherjee, “India and China to Cooperate on Delhi-Nagpur High-Speed Rail,” Business Standard, October 11, 2016.

  69. 69.

    For an argument that “India is China’s Natural and Major Partner in Supporting the ‘Belt and Road’ Initiatives,” consult Keshab Chandra Ratha and Sushanta Kumar Mahapatra, “Recasting Sino-Indian Relations: Towards a Closer Development Partnership,” Strategic Analysis 39, no. 6 (2015), 696–709. Also consult K. Yhome and Zhu Cuiping, Continental and Maritime Silk Routes: Prospects for India-China Cooperation, (New Delhi: Observer Research Foundation, January 2016).

  70. 70.

    C. Raja Mohan, “China’s Railway, India’s Opportunity,” Indian Express, February 17, 2016.

  71. 71.

    Shivshankar Menon, “We Must Now Choose,” Outlook, January 23, 2016. A similar argument is expressed in Menon, “The Rise of China as India’s Major Geopolitical Challenge,” The Wire, May 11, 2015, http://thewire.in/2015/05/11/the-rise-of-china-as-indias-major-geopolitical-challenge-1467.

  72. 72.

    Quotation of Shyam Saran in Charu Sudan Kasturi, “Call to Embrace China Projects–Don’t Veto Connectivity Plans: Experts,” The Telegraph, May 14, 2015.

  73. 73.

    Samir Saran and Ritika Passi, “Seizing the ‘One Belt, One Road’ Opportunity,” The Hindu, February 2, 2016. Also consult Rinku Ghosh, “Dragon Puffs Beyond Borders,” The Pioneer (New Delhi), June 28, 2015; Amitendu Palit , “China’s MSRI and Indian Business ,” Financial Express, December 12, 2015; and Pravakar Sahoo, “India Should Be Part of the new Silk Route,” Hindu Business Line, December 22, 2015.

  74. 74.

    In a recent interview, a former Chinese ambassador who serves as head of the China-Pakistan Friendship Association called the corridor “China’s flagship project” in the Belt and Road initiatives. “CPEC is Flagship OBOR Project,” Business Recorder (Karachi), January 29, 2016. For more on the CPEC, see Jabin Jacob’s Chap. 5 herein.

  75. 75.

    Consult Rajat Pandit, “India Expresses Strong Opposition to China Pakistan Economic Corridor, Says Challenges Indian Sovereignty,” Economic Times, March 16, 2017; Devirupa Mitra, “Modi Criticises China’s One Belt One Road Plan, Says Connectivity Can’t Undermine Sovereignty,” The Wire, January 17, 2017, https://thewire.in/100803/modi-criticises-chinas-one-belt-one-road-plan-says-connectivity-corridors-cant-undermine-sovereignty/; and “Modi Told China, Pakistan Economic Corridor Unacceptable: Sushma,” Business Standard, May 31, 2015.

  76. 76.

    For more on this point, see Andrew Small, The China-Pakistan Axis: Asia’s New Geopolitics (Oxford University Press, 2015); and M.D. Upadhyay, Sino-Pak Nexus and Implications for India (New Delhi: Vij Books India: 2015).

  77. 77.

    Quotation in James Kynge et al., “How China Rules the Waves,” Financial Times, January 12, 2017. Also consult “Chinese Navy Ships to be Deployed at Gwadar Port: Pakistan Navy Official,” Economic Times, November 25, 2016. For a report that Beijing may station marines at Gwadar, see Minnie Chan, “As Overseas Ambitions Expand, China Plans 400 Per Cent Increase to Marine Corps Numbers, Sources Say,” South China Morning Post, March 13, 2017.

  78. 78.

    C. Raja Mohan, “The Great Game Folio,” Indian Express, July 10, 2013.

  79. 79.

    C. Raja Mohan, “Redoing India-China Sums,” Indian Express, March 23, 2015. Also see his argument in “Reimagining the Triangle,” Indian Express, April 20, 2015.

  80. 80.

    Salman Haider, “Karakoram Corridor,” The Statesman (Calcutta), February 25, 2014; and “India Not Worried Over the Construction of the Pakistan-China Economic Corridor: High Commissioner TCA Raghavan,” Economic Times, April 22, 2015. Also See Srinath Raghavan, “India Must Involve Itself in the China-Pakistan One Belt, One Road Initiative to Stay In The Game,” Hindustan Times, March 1, 2017.

  81. 81.

    Aravind Gowda, “Modi Emphasizes on Ocean Economy at Indian Science Congress,” India Today, January 3, 2016, http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/modi-emphasises-on-ocean-economy-at-indian-science-congress/1/561242.html.

  82. 82.

    See P. Manoj, “Sagar Mala Project to Strive for Holistic Development Of India’s Maritime Sector,” Livemint, November 7, 2014, http://www.livemint.com/Opinion/L0SfczFVh8InmFyWUr9BlN/Sagar-Mala-project-to-strive-for-holistic-development-of-Ind.html; “India Poised for Big Splash in Maritime Sector: PM Modi,” Business Standard, April 14, 2016; “India’s Coast Line Can Become Engine of Growth, Says Modi at Maritime Summit,” Deccan Chronicle, April 14, 2016; and Lalatendu Mishra, “Investments Welcome in Maritime Sector, Says Modi,” The Hindu, April 15, 2016.

  83. 83.

    P.K. Ghosh, “Linking Indian and Chinese Maritime Initiatives: Towards a Symbiotic Existence” (New Delhi: Observer Research Foundation, December 2015). It is worth noting, however, that New Delhi reportedly vetoed Chinese involvement in a new port development in Vizhinjam, on India’s southern tip. Verma and Das, “With Eye on China, India Doubles Down on Container Hub Ports.”

  84. 84.

    Quotation in C. Uday Bhaskar, “India’s Maritime Awakening? Modi Endorses a Blue Revolution ,” Business Standard, March 17, 2015. Also see Jean Paul Arouff, “India in Pacts to Develop Infrastructure in Mauritius , Seychelles,” Reuters, March 12, 2015; C. Raja Mohan, “Narendra Modi and the Ocean: Maritime Power and Responsibility,” Indian Express, March 12, 2015; and Ashok B. Sharma, “Modi’s New Ocean Politics: Gluing Security and the Blue Economy,” Jakarta Post, March 31, 2015. It bears emphasis that the Modi government has also been active in working with Bangladesh on maritime economic cooperation in the Bay of Bengal . See C. Raja Mohan, “Bay of Bengal Glad Tidings,” Indian Express, October 11, 2016; and Mohan, “Chinese Takeaway: Bengal’s Bay,” Indian Express, June 9, 2015.

  85. 85.

    “India to Help Lanka Develop Regional Petro Hub in Trinacomalee,” Indian Express, March 13, 2015; and Charu Sudan Kasturi, “Delhi Toehold in Key Lanka Port, At Last—IOC Role in Strategic Weathervane,” The Telegraph (Calcutta), March 14, 2015. Also See Chandeepa Wettasinghe, “Govt. Mulls Doubling Trinco Oil Tank Farm Project Size with India,” Daily Mirror (Colombo), March 2, 2017.

  86. 86.

    Mohan, “Towards New Realism.”

  87. 87.

    Kasturi, “India Wrinkle on China Silk: Jaishankar Speaks Out on Absence of Consultations.”

  88. 88.

    According to Indian naval officials, Chinese submarines have been sighted in the Indian Ocean an average of four times every three months. Sanjeev Miglani and Greg Torode, “Wary of China’s Indian Ocean Activities, US , India Discuss Anti-Submarine Warfare,” Reuters, May 2, 2016. For acknowledgment by a top US military commander that the USA and India are jointly monitoring Chinese naval traffic in the Indian Ocean, consult Ajai Shukla, “US Pacific Commander Admits US -India Jointly Tracking Chinese Submarines,” Business Standard, January 18, 2017.

  89. 89.

    “China Hints More Bases on Way after Djibouti ,” Reuters, March 8, 2016; Mandip Singh, “Port de Djibouti : China’s First Permanent Naval Base in the Indian Ocean,” (New Delhi: Institute for Defense Studies and Analyses, February 22, 2016); and David Brewster , “China’s First Overseas Military Base In Djibouti Likely To Be A Taste Of Things To Come,” The Lowy Interpreter, December 27, 2015, http://www.lowyinterpreter.org/post/2015/12/02/Chinas-first-overseas-military-base-in-Djibouti-likely-to-be-a-taste-of-things-to-come.aspx.

  90. 90.

    Kanwal Sibal, “Trouble All Around,” Telegraph (Calcutta), October 3, 2016.

  91. 91.

    Sutirho Patranobis, “Expanding Indo-China Ties a Win-Win Opportunity: New Devpt Bank’s KV Kamath,” Hindustan Times, September 4, 2016; and Madhura Karnik and Manu Balachandran, “An Old Hand In Indian Banking Will Head The New BRICS Bank,” Quartz India, May 11, 2015, http://qz.com/402168/an-old-hand-in-indian-banking-will-head-the-new-brics-bank/.

  92. 92.

    For a positive sign, consult Simon Denyer, “Asia’s New Infrastructure Bank Is Out to Prove it’s Not China’s Pawn,” Washington Post, June 23, 2016.

  93. 93.

    See “Beijing Wants India, Others to Join CPEC Due to Pakistan’s Appetite, Says Chinese Media,” Economic Times, December 30, 2016; and Dipanjan Roy Chaudhury, “China Wants India in One-Belt-One-Road Meet, India Remains Wary,” Economic Times, January 7, 2017.

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Karl, D.J. (2018). Sri Lanka, the Maritime Silk Road, and Sino-Indian Relations. In: Blanchard, JM. (eds) China’s Maritime Silk Road Initiative and South Asia. Palgrave Studies in Asia-Pacific Political Economy. Palgrave, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-5239-2_6

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