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The Morphogenetic Approach and the Idea of a Morphogenetic Society: The Role of Regularities

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Social Morphogenesis

Abstract

This chapter addresses the systematic significance of the idea of a morphogenetic society (MS), the questions it raises and the implications it has for the explanatory morphogenetic approach. The general thesis is that further articulation of the morphogenetic conceptual framework appears to be connected with the representation of society it offers, the relation being one of reciprocity. More precisely, it is argued that the idea of MS could stimulate theoretical work at the borders of the morphogenetic approach, to consolidate, expand, and face challenges to it. Specifically, the conceptualization of emergence, particularly of what can be called ‘emergence of the new’, raises issues related to abrupt (i.e., catastrophic) versus gradual change and profound versus superficial change. This chapter then focusses upon the issue of regularity, arguing that the idea of a MS entails a further articulation of the morphogenetic approach that involves a reconsideration of the concept of (social) regularity. Finally, it is also maintained that the morphogenetic approach allows for an original representation of global society, based on a non-functionalistic, non-evolutionistic, non-teleological conceptual framework, and provides a fully processual conceptualization of social order.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    As I have done elsewhere (Maccarini 2011), I will call this approach ‘M/M’, to highlight that it embraces both morphogenesis and morphostasis as equally possible outcomes of social processes.

  2. 2.

    Therefore it sometimes comes to overlap with the notion of ‘late modernity’ (Archer 2011b).

  3. 3.

    Luhmann (1997). It is worth observing that Luhmann also starts from a discourse about human reflexivity, which is clear from his citation of Maruyama (1976). Bauman’s well-known idea of a ‘liquid’ society also fits into this mould.

  4. 4.

    For an intriguing formulation of this somewhat counterintuitive thesis (to say the least) see Abbott (2006, p. 32).

  5. 5.

    The dynamics of interaction, of friendships and couples among youngsters represent a good example, often presenting us with endless streams of communication strictly interweaving the subjects’ internal conversations—a feature that could be associated with the typical attitude of communicative reflexives. In this respect, electronically assisted communication seems to be prompting a sharp increase. Of course, the definition of the modes of reflexivity involves much more than this characteristic only. Therefore, my remark is no more than a hint at a phenomenon that would deserve further study.

  6. 6.

    This formulation clearly borrows from the title of an old essay by Alexander (1994).

  7. 7.

    From now on MS.

  8. 8.

    The literature on this point is obviously hugely extended. A good outline of the present situation in social theory can be found in Joas and Knöbl (2009, chapters XIII, XVIII and XX). See also Knöbl (2007).

  9. 9.

    See Brown (1993); Holt et al. (1978); Kauffman and Oliva (1994); Smirnov and Erdshov (1992)

  10. 10.

    Contingent incompatibilities also lie on the morphogenetic side. In addition, the interaction of structural with cultural emergent properties must be taken into account.

  11. 11.

    This assertion must not be taken as an assumption of total contingency of the social world. It means that the relation between social conditionings – with their logics and generative mechanisms – and observable outcomes is mostly undetermined, because structural and cultural emergent properties and powers may not always result in predictable facts. See Archer (1995, 2011a). See also Aminzade and Larson (2009); Eben and Witton (1970). By the way, this would respond to the critique advanced by Dépelteau (2008).

  12. 12.

    See also Oliva et al. (1988)

  13. 13.

    Giddens (1984, 227 ff).

  14. 14.

    Luhmann (1997, 244). See also Luhmann (1995, chapter VIII, Structure and Time).

  15. 15.

    Luhmann and De Giorgi (1994, 221–229). It is the same with the well-known parsonian theme of ‘evolutionary universals’ (Parsons 1964). For a diachronic, macrosociological analysis see for example Parsons (1966), and (1971). See also Eberts and Witton (1970).

  16. 16.

    Coleman (1970).

  17. 17.

    Here Luhmann is thinking above all of communication media such as writing and the press and forms of societal differentiation. The relevance of these transformations cannot be denied, even though Luhmann would not be willing to revive the old semantics of ‘epochs’, at least not in any realist meaning: ‘When in such fundamental structures as the media of diffusion of communication and system differentiation evolutionary achievements intervene, making it possible to go from one structure to the other, the impression dawns on the observer that he is facing some societal formations that are meaningfully distinct between one another’. Luhmann, De Giorgi (1994, 228), italics added.

  18. 18.

    This issue has been treated in Maccarini et al. (2011). See also Porpora (2012)

  19. 19.

    I am using here the formulation of recent historical-comparative macrosociology. See for instance Arnason and Wittrock (2004). See also Arnason et al. (2004).

  20. 20.

    Archer (1995, 189). This is only one among many similar formulations to be found in Archer’s work.

  21. 21.

    Hedström (2005, 3; 15; 33). This idea is widely shared within the whole analytical movement.

  22. 22.

    Archer (1995, 54 and 57).

  23. 23.

    In this connection, see the relevant arguments developed by Douglas Porpora, when he discusses the application of the coeteris paribus clause to society. See Porpora (2011). See also Steinmetz (2005).

  24. 24.

    Archer (2011a).

  25. 25.

    Ibidem.

  26. 26.

    See for instance the treatment of derived connections among configurations in Archer (1988).

  27. 27.

    By the way, this is also one reason that militates against synchronic notions of emergence.

  28. 28.

    This does not mean to transform M/M into “a notion of causality based on normativity and the centrality of meaning, sequence, and contingency”, to put it in Margaret Somers’s words. Relations and their properties are still there, and must only incorporate time and narratives.

  29. 29.

    Some of these are taken from Aminzade (1992), while the definition I give is partially different, since I put them in the context of the M/M approach.

  30. 30.

    In various publications. See for example Abbott (2006, p. 32). For an interesting treatment of these concepts see also Abbott (1983; 1984).

  31. 31.

    This thesis should not be confused with the assertion that some turning points may essentially consist of a change in perceptions. This case, though, should not lead to theoretical confusion. A fundamental change in the cultural sensibility of the public may be in itself the ‘social fact’ to be examined and explained. Culture, and social groups, all have their own M/M cycles. But a complete explanation of their dynamics always involves the consideration of other morphogenetic processes. On this theme see also Lauer (1981).

  32. 32.

    I am taking the formulation ‘narrative concept’ from Abbott (2001, p. 245, footnote 12). This author endows such a concept with the specific meaning I have underlined, which must be sharply distinguished from a subjectivist notion.

  33. 33.

    See again Abbott: ‘(…) indeed it seems that is the point of having a concept of turning point, as opposed to simply one of change or causality or succession, all of which would cover a turning point of this extremely gradual kind’. (Abbott 2001, 251).

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Maccarini, A.M. (2013). The Morphogenetic Approach and the Idea of a Morphogenetic Society: The Role of Regularities. In: Archer, M. (eds) Social Morphogenesis. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-6128-5_3

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