Abstract
Urbanism, as the term is used in this chapter, refers to a cultural milieu found throughout societies, in places both urban and rural. A common sentiment of cultural urbanism is urban cosmopolitan chauvinism—in which cities are felt to be and expressed as sites of diversity, modernity, progress, wealth, and in other ways positively valued. In contrast, the rural as urbanism’s other and rural people are cast as backward, unsophisticated, homogeneous, conservative, poor, and otherwise lacking in various ways. Through such imaginings, cultural urbanism creates subaltern rural identities. This chapter examines how such subaltern rural identities provide discursive grounds for political action and mobilization. It compares four cases—Malaysia, America, China, and Thailand. Each of these has very different cultures of urbanism and diverse political systems. Nevertheless, the politics of rural identity can be seen as playing a role in national politics—even if this role is often not made very explicit in political analysis or political discourse within each country.
An earlier version of this chapter was presented at the Annual Meeting of the Association for Asian Studies, San Francisco, 6–9 April 2006.
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Notes
- 1.
I use “race” here (rather than ethnicity) because this is the term commonly used in Malaysia (ras in Bahasa Malaysia).
- 2.
Malay, Muslim, bumiputera, pribumi, and orang kampung are all associated (used as synonyms) discursively in Mat Sabu’s speeches, for example, “[k]ita kena membantu orang kampung, orang Melayu” (we have to help orang kampung, Malay people) (Sabu 1995b).
- 3.
I use the terms, conservative and liberal, here in keeping with their American political usage, even though this usage is radically out of synch with the explicit meaning of the words themselves; conservatives have been working to radically re-form, not conserve, government structures since at least the ascendance of Reaganism in the 1980s, and liberals are much more inclined to champion both social and economic policies at odds with traditional liberal models of individual rights, for example, affirmative action, and economically rational markets, for example, social welfare and curbs on corporate activities.
- 4.
The rural-urban continuum is not a timeless Chinese cultural geography upset only with the coming of twentieth-century modernity. Rather, it is better understood as specific to the context of the predominantly agrarian orientation of the later Ming and Qing dynasties after the sudden end of the early-Ming age of exploration in 1433. The history of urbanism and structures of feeling around cities, towns, and villages is undoubtedly as complex in Chinese history as elsewhere (see Williams 1977).
- 5.
- 6.
In the rural south, another important region of political opposition to Bangkok, such opposition has centered around a subaltern Malay-Muslim identity within a Thai-Buddhist majority country.
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Thompson, E.C. (2013). Urban Cosmopolitan Chauvinism and the Politics of Rural Identity. In: Bunnell, T., Parthasarathy, D., Thompson, E. (eds) Cleavage, Connection and Conflict in Rural, Urban and Contemporary Asia. ARI - Springer Asia Series, vol 3. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-5482-9_10
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