Abstract
This paper reviews the changing issues that shape understandings of agriculture, agroecology, rural landscapes, and food production over the course of the last 50 years. While we will highlight the specific changes that characterize the last two decades, we will situate current conditions and shifts against the longer backdrop of the post-World War II period. Providing a historical context for ongoing debates and practices will enable us to show how current debates respond to, challenge, extend, and at times, reproduce ideas and strategies of an earlier period. Thus, this review will have two interrelated goals: First, to outline the backdrop against which we can understand current shifts in agricultural debates and policy choices; and second, to show how these debates feature in contemporary understandings of the status of global agriculture.
We will suggest that while there has been continued growth in scientific expertise and specialization in the agricultural sciences, an expansion of the kinds of technology and innovation that characterize agricultural production, and broad changes in production and trade relations, food crises continue to pose a challenge to national and global agricultural policies. We also will suggest that despite significant changes in crop production, consumption, and exchange notwithstanding, there has been a decline in open policy debates both across and within disciplinary boundaries. In some cases, this decline recalls an old debate about the relationship between science and policy, but also about the role of politics and policy choices and the different interests that constitute policy implementation and practice in relation to agricultural production choices. These, as we will show, help to explain the re-emergence, even if framed by a new discursive formation, of public-private partnerships over the past two decades and their link to questions of equity, sustainability, and climate change.
We suggest, too, that by not fully appreciating the long history of debate and analyses in the broad field of rural production and practice, land relations, and the relationships between non-farm and farm livelihoods, current food crises appear as unexpected or surprising rather than in relation to the policy choices that currently shape agricultural production and policy implementation. We thus examine some of the debates of the earlier period for what they can contribute to understanding these crises, current agricultural production practices and policy choices, global poverty, various forms of inequality, including that between individuals and households as well as between states, and food security and ecological sustainability. This means that our discussion is selective and does not seek to address all of the important issues within the broad arena of international shifts in agricultural debates and practice.
The arguments to follow will be based largely on secondary material. These materials include an understanding of global agricultural policy through analyses of the documents that guide global food production choices. Such choices are outlined by the contributions of the major international organizations including the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), the World Bank, the International Assessment of Agricultural Knowledge, Science and Technology for Development (IAASTD), the United Nations Environment Program (UNEP), the Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research (CGIAR), and the global assessments that either directly address agriculture or one or more of its critical attributes. We also will examine meso- and micro-studies and policy documents that address the prospects and effects of such policy choices on the lived experiences of food producers and food consumers, and the ongoing debates that shape understanding food sovereignty, climate change, environmental degradation, equity and ecological sustainability.
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Notes
- 1.
We use the terms countries from the South or Southern countries to reference what in other circumstances may be noted as developing countries, the Third World, or peripheral economies.
- 2.
We offer this template with the same cautionary concerns emphasized by Ellis and Biggs (2001).
- 3.
- 4.
As Gaud would also share in his address: the implementation of this strategy “is why the program which A.I.D. has proposed to Congress for FY 1969 emphasizes Development Loans and Alliance Loans to finance exports of American fertilizer: $200 million to India, $60 million to Pakistan, and lesser amounts to Brazil, Chile, Morocco, Tunisia, Indonesia, and Laos, among others.”
- 5.
During the 1960s, development assistance was tied to policy reform. USAID, for instance, pressed Southern countries to expand their investments in agriculture, “introduce price incentives and other measures which favor and stimulate food production, …shift fertilizer manufacture and distribution from public channels to more efficient private outlets, and …liberalize import quotas on raw materials for fertilizer production.” Such policy reforms are increasingly made a condition for receiving both food aid and A.I.D. program loans (Gaud 1968).
- 6.
The ADC, established by John D. Rockefeller III, was initially known as the Council on Economic and Cultural Affairs, Inc. (1953–1963). In 1985, the ADC merged with two other Rockefeller-related agricultural programs, the Winrock International Livestock Research and Training Center and the Rockefeller Foundation’s International Agricultural Development Service to create the Winrock International Institute for Agricultural Development.
- 7.
Norman Borlaug was a plant pathologist whose research on genetic mutation in plants and specific attention to crop varieties for regions of climatic extremes contributed to increases in wheat and rice production, especially in Mexico, Pakistan and India. He was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1970 and often is credited as the father of the Green Revolution.
- 8.
This Malthusian logic was not limited to justifying agricultural policy reform but also served as the ground for population control policies of the United States and western European countries that also were central to western development assistance.
- 9.
The CGIAR held its inaugural meeting on 19 May 1971 with 19 industrialized country governments, the Asian Development Bank, FAO, Inter-American Development Bank, International Development Research Center, UNDP, the World Bank, and the Ford, W.K. Kellogg, and Rockefeller Foundations. IRRI and CIMMYT were founding members, and IFPRI joined in 1979. In 2009, CGIAR had 65 members (http://www.cgiar.org/who/members/index.html).
- 10.
Integrated rural development schemes revived an earlier mode of intervention, community development, which took as its starting point a holistic understanding of agriculture to include employment, health, nutrition, sanitation, family planning, informal education and skill development, as well as extension activities to promote knowledge about agriculture and new production practices.
- 11.
See, for example, such journals as the Journal of Peasant Studies, Economic and Political Weekly, and Development and Change.
- 12.
Landlessness, it was argued at the time, was primarily a response to increasing population.
- 13.
Interestingly, data on farm size usually did not go above 7 or more acres in Bangladesh, indicating a curiously low large-scale threshold. But the data also indicates the relatively small number of agricultural producers who actually owned what, in other parts of South Asia, would be considered small- and medium-scaled farms. Moreover, it would not be until the 1980s, and disillusionment with the development models of the time, that questions of landlessness and the meeting of basic needs would emerge. Noteworthy, is that the initial focus for agricultural intervention and extension was the farmer (read as male) rather than the farm household and the different contributions of each of its members. Women’s agricultural labor, whether in production or processing, would not be recognized until the late 1970s.
- 14.
This insight is central to understanding the resources that would eventually support the development of the IRDP Women’s Program but also early recognition of the importance of women in agricultural production (Feldman and McCarthy 1984a; Feldman et al. 1980; Harriss 1977; McCarthy 1977, 1978, 1980, 1981).
- 15.
While a focous on women was not sufficiently sustained in the debates that ensued, what is clear is that proletarianization, increased landlessness, and increased demands for wage labor without the probability of such laborers ever earning enough to join the ranks of the small-scale farmer were significant foci of debates on the larger Green Revolution (Glaeser 1987; Pearse 1977, 1980b; Cleaver 1972).
- 16.
Oasa (1987: 19) also points out the importance of the attention to unstable environments (less fertile and more acidic soils, rainfall versus irrigation, and a dominance of ‘small, resource-poor farmer[s]) which yielded cumulative rather than incremental change’.
- 17.
See also Byres (1981) for the link between new technological and class formation in India.
- 18.
By the late 1970s, Dahlberg (1979: 81 in Oasa 1987: 2) had already noted that “applications of fertilizer have reached a point of diminishing returns.” Oasa also acknowledges the extinction of valuable germplasm with the introduction of crop monocultures.
- 19.
This brief summary is critical precisely because it highlights the long horizon that has shaped current debates on sustainability, eco-development, equity, and justice.
- 20.
This distinction is important because it can be used to set the parameters of intellectual debate. The distinction is especially important in understanding how and why various constituencies have either engaged or ignored the IAASTD Reports.
- 21.
To respond to these contradictions it is noteworthy that Akhter Hamid Khan, the founder of the Comilla approach, used the term ‘cooperative capitalism’ to describe the effort. As Khan has noted, “cooperation did not extend to the mobilization of the latent productive resources… or to any kind of pooling of private productive resources for joint productive activities”… See also Feldman and McCarthy (1984b) and Khan (1979: 413).
- 22.
The Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research (CGIAR) is a global partnership that unites organizations engaged in research for sustainable development with the funders of this work. The funders include developing and industrialized country governments, foundations, and international and regional organizations. The work they support is carried out by 15 members of the Consortium of International Agricultural Research Centers, in close collaboration with hundreds of partner organizations, including national and regional research institutes, civil society organizations, academia, and the private sector (see website http://www.cgiar.org/who/index.html, Who we are) (accessed October 30, 2011).
- 23.
The idea of demonstrating new varieties and new fertilizers go back to the late 1950s when FAO had a program to introduce fertilizer use in developing countries. Many HYV wheat varieties spread from these on-farm demonstrations because the improved yields were better than local varieties, under any input conditions. This success led Mexican wheat varieties to be viewed as “magic bullets,” but the history of rice is very different.
- 24.
It also was a way to incorporate producers, however small, within the field of industrial agriculture and not address the contradictions identified by Oasa (1987).
- 25.
A missing element in the TOT approach were methods that encouraged and enabled resource-poor farmers themselves to meet and work out what they needed and wanted. By the 1980s, this concern recognized that many types of partnerships could support agricultural research systems and that “participation” and “participatory research” could take many forms. One classification had four modes: contract, consultative, collaborative and collegiate (Biggs 1989). Other classification systems also emerged at the time (White 1996; Pretty 1995).
- 26.
They were also important in discussions of Food for Works programs and in advocating for NGO extensions of non-farm activities.
- 27.
This process also entailed the cooptation of opposition through the institutionalization of civil society into increasingly formalized organizations that would, over time, become dependent on the resources available to them. These new dependencies served to structure new programs to meet the needs of donors. See the large literature on this process that we are unable to elaborate here; e.g. the journal Development in Practice.
- 28.
This was a period when under- and unemployment among educated youth had begun to expand significantly.
- 29.
Here it is important to distinguish between the poor and the ultra- or very poor who generally do not gain access to a majority of national and international NGO initiatives.
- 30.
- 31.
Both national and international NGOs are implicated in this shift, although small and usually nationally organized NGOs have either been excluded from access to donor resources or have chosen to remain independent from them.
- 32.
- 33.
This is not the place to appreciate and critique their contributions, but each movement played a key role in raising issues that sought to transform agricultural relations of both production and consumption in ways that were attentive to women and the poor. These movements also were instrumental in working to secure women’s access to land as well as to non-farm resources and formal employment.
- 34.
The Grameen Bank is now part of a global phenomenon with micro-finance projects across world regions, including the United States. Micro-finance projects are often non-agricultural, can create new market dependencies, and often exclude the ultra-poor.
- 35.
As the experience of the IAASTD has shown, not all critical engagement between scientists of different views is discouraged, but it is noteworthy that the FAO and World Bank reports, subsequent to the IAASTD report, did not engage with its findings nor address its policy options.
- 36.
This is not to ignore a rise, particularly in Europe and North America, of niche market production of high-value, artisan crops for a small elite market.
- 37.
Also important about the distinction between land reform and agrarian reform is that for the latter to have substantive benefits for small-scale producers it would need to entail changes in access to credit, agricultural extension services, and policy reforms that would alter the conditions and relations of production.
- 38.
See Lipton (2009) for a complex and historically specific discussion of land reform debates and their changing political contexts, but also their continued significance for discussions of agrarian change today.
- 39.
This summary is not meant to underestimate the broad range of property rights regimes that are part of arrangements among producers, paralleling the diversity of agroecologies (defined here as multiple approaches to agroecology) and livelihood relations.
- 40.
“Whitehead and Tsikata’s (2003) comprehensive review of the gender and land literature for sub-Saharan Africa, namely that in ‘the development of private property regimes of any kind, sub-Saharan African women tend to lose the rights they once had … either because their opportunities to buy land are very limited, or because local-level authorities practice gender discrimination’ (2003: 79) is sobering [and has]…become even more important … given the extent to which policy documents across the political spectrum advocate a blanket policy mix of private property rights and land-titling not only as a mechanism to encourage capital investment and foster a more efficient land market, but also as a solution to women’s weak and tenuous place within land tenure institutions” (World Bank 2003, in Razavi 2009: 213).
- 41.
Rural poverty incidence in the Philippines, for example, is much more pronounced than urban poverty incidence, but the number of urban poor families also is increasing. The very high rural poverty incidence (47% of families in 2000) has remained virtually unchanged since 1988 (46.3% of families). The urban poverty incidence fell from 30.1% of families in 1988 to 19.9% in 2000. However, the absolute number or the magnitude of urban poor families grew by nearly 11% nationwide between 1997 and 2000 (Schelzig 2005: xiii). This example is important because it is replicated elsewhere and signals what we need to consider as we guestimate the opportunities to be garnered by a second green revolution.
- 42.
An emergent research interest has begun to examine a declining interest in remaining in agriculture among small and medium-sized farm families, especially during times of inter-generational transfer. When coupled with declines in the amount of productive agricultural land held by such producers, potential rural labor shortages, and low and insecure agricultural employment in some countries, these conditions may partially explain why aspirations among the children of farm families are showing increased reluctance to remain in agriculture. Also significant is that access to urban resources, increased education and training, and opportunities to imagine life without the expectations associated with farm production can create disinterest among those in a new generation of farmers in continuing to earn their primary income from agriculture.
- 43.
- 44.
- 45.
There is an enormous literature in this broad field which is not appropriate to reproduce here given the purpose of this review.
- 46.
- 47.
See Fontana and Paciello (2009) effort to address gender relations in rural areas within the context of agriculture and non-farm employment.
- 48.
An important article by Byerlee (1992), an economist close to the Green Revolution, lists many of the negative externalities arising from irrigation-based agricultural growth strategies in South India.
- 49.
Neoliberalism, as it has shaped conversations about agriculture and agricultural change, can be said to have emerged in the early 1970s and has been part of both academic debates and a characteristic of contemporary life; witness Harvey’s notion that we live in an “age of neoliberalism” (Harvey 2005). Neoliberalism can thus be said to serve as “the most powerful ideological and political project in global governance to arise in the wake of Keynesianism, a status conveyed by triumphalist phrases such as “the Washington consensus” and the “end of history”. (McCarthy and Prudham 2004: 275).
- 50.
Important about the anti-globalization movement against the WTO Ministerial Conference held in Seattle in 1999 was its resonance among a broad array of actors that included farmers from across world communities, people concerned with the environmental and the ecological costs of global food production, and members of developing countries whose interests were felt to be inadequately represented at the meeting. Despite the coalescence of these interests and its continuation as part of a global food movement, some interpret the experience of Seattle as a technical problem of not adequately safeguarding and distancing opposition from the proceedings (Vidal 1999). See also the WTO History Project (http://depts.washington.edu/wtohist/).
- 51.
See Haas (1992) and others in the special edition of International Organization on international assessments and policy coordination.
- 52.
- 53.
(http://www.sd-network.eu/pdf/doc_berlin/ESB07_Plenary_Hauff.pdf) (accessed April 12, 2011).
- 54.
Interview with Watson, May 2010. See also numerous press releases about the IAASTD and his Testimony to the Financial Services Committee of the United States House of Representatives during 2008 and 2009.
- 55.
This conceptual shift moved the intellectual map from “underdevelopment” and a world system of first-, second-, and third-worlds, to a global arena. With this shift, the politics associated with colonialism and its contemporary features also have been displaced in popular debate.
- 56.
See, for example, Via Compesina or the various NGOs that participated in the IAASTD.
- 57.
This is an uneven and competitive arena where social movements are critical in creating and responding to the diverse demands of the corporate sector, aid policies, and producers. The WTO Ministerial Conference of 1999, held in Seattle, Washington, to launch a new millennial round of trade negotiations was quickly overshadowed by controversial street protest as part of the United States anti-globalization movement against the WTO, the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. As Friedmann (2005) also notes, if food retailers and agro-food corporations consolidate, “the new food regime promises to shift the historical balance between public and private regulation, and to widen the gap between privileged and poor consumers as it deepens commodification and marginalizes existing peasants. Social movements are already regrouping and consolidation of the regime remains uncertain.”
- 58.
- 59.
(http://www.millenniumassessment.org/en/About.aspx#2) (accessed April 12, 2011).
- 60.
Social movements organized around questions of agriculture’s future would expose the importance of participation in the decision-making process, as efforts to be heard were part of the strategic stance of the various global food movements, as was the role of the NGO community in their discussions with the World Bank and the establishment of the IAASTD process (Feldman et al. 2010).
- 61.
While the Millenium Development Goals (MDG) have important implications for agriculture, where it is estimated that 70% of the world’s poorest live in rural areas, its primary focus is poverty reduction and thus is not essential to advancing our argument here. MDGs include: to eradicate extreme poverty and hunger; achieve universal primary education; promote gender equality and empower women; reduce child mortality; improve maternal health; combat human immunodeficiency virus/acquired immune deficiency syndrome (HIV/AIDS), malaria, and other diseases; ensure environmental sustainability; and develop a global partnership for development (http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/F7FC8E4FA7224D3DC125717100507EE1-ifpri-gen-may06.pdf)
(http://www.ifpri.org/publication/agriculture-and-achieving-millennium-development-goals).
- 62.
As Wield et al. (2010: 343) suggest in their analysis of the development of agricultural biotechnology from a political economy perspective is “how its applications reflect corporate power and strategy … [and new] processes of industrial and technological restructuring and accumulation.” They go on to conclude that the “commercialization of the first generation of GM crops has brought concentration and commodity-chain integration of seeds, chemicals and biotechnology. Agrochemical companies have invested into the seeds part of the plant commodity-chain, so capturing new intellectual property from the integration of GM seed and chemicals. …GM crops are increasingly important but the benefits so far are associated with a small group of (albeit important) crops, for a relatively small number of farmers, in a few, mostly large, producing countries…. [Despite this, they argue that] debate about the potential of GM to raise productivity in farming should not be deflected by the classic populist preoccupation with what is best for … the poorest farmers in the South.” What they conclude is the need for “an urgent agenda of future work.” The arguments outlined in this paper concur with this need for urgent, but also embedded analyses of current agricultural production and policy priorities. See also Woodhouse (2010) who raises questions about industrial agriculture with a focus on the sustainability of large-scale production; and Weis (2010) who addresses fossil fuel and labor crises in relation to industrial agricultural production.
- 63.
See also the United Kingdom Government’s Foresight Report, and various IPPRI and FAO reports.
- 64.
While there are crucial differences among these constituencies, and the costs of many of the interventions have been borne by producers in the South, it is important to mark synergies that can help to expose what are envisioned as the costs of maintaining business as usual in relation to agricultural production.
- 65.
Sainath also chides his readers by suggesting that the problem of starvation is not systemic, but rather technical or managerial – poor implementation – whose solution merely requires minor fixes or shifts in how production and producer relations are managed.
- 66.
- 67.
As Lang indicates, the small-scale farmer focus remains critical to discussions on many sides of the debate, and is not dissimilar to that raised by Johnston and Mellor (1961) and Johnston and Clark (1982) during the height of the first Green Revolution. However, comparison must be cautiously drawn given dramatic differences in the context of each historical moment.
- 68.
PL480 (Public Law 480), now referred to as the Food for Peace Act (FPA), provides for government-to-government sales of United States agricultural commodities to developing countries on credit or grant terms. Depending on the agreement, commodities provided under the program may be sold in the recipient country and the proceeds used to support agricultural, economic, or infrastructure development projects (USDA 2010).
- 69.
See Boyer (2010) who distinguished between food security that resonates with deeply held peasant understandings of security for their continued social reproduction in insecure social and natural conditions, and sovereignty which is generally understood as powers of nation states and thus distant from rural actors’ lives.
- 70.
These attributes of the food sovereignty movement are drawn from the Via Campensina webpage (http://www.viacampesina.org/en/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=47:food-sovereignty&catid=21:food-sovereignty-and-trade&Itemid=38).
- 71.
It is important to recognize that the food sovereignty debate and its commitment to the rights of peoples and nations to define their own food, agricultural, and trade systems and policies includes what Kloppenburg (2010: 367) refers to as ‘seed sovereignty.’ Seed sovereignty incorporates the development of an institutional platform that, at the national level means “confronting state assertions of ‘national sovereignty’ over genetic resources and the role of national agricultural research services…[and at] the international level … means pushing the CGIAR centres and the Multilateral System of the ITPGFRA [The International Treaty on Plant Genetic Resources for Food and Agriculture] in open-source directions. …The CGIAR system in particular … retains a commitment to public purpose and its broad germplasm holdings and experience with participatory breeding would be invaluable resources for building the protected commons” (Kloppenburg 2010: 381).
- 72.
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We thank all the participants in the IAASTD project, especially Robert Watson, Beverly McIntyre, Marcia Ishii-Eitman, and Rajeswari Raina.
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Feldman, S., Biggs, S. (2012). International Shifts in Agricultural Debates and Practice: An Historical View of Analyses of Global Agriculture. In: Campbell, W., López Ortíz, S. (eds) Integrating Agriculture, Conservation and Ecotourism: Societal Influences. Issues in Agroecology – Present Status and Future Prospectus, vol 2. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-4485-1_2
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