Abstract
The 2008 election of Barack Obama, the nation‘s first non-white president, brought forth a barrage of attempts to identify the root causes of the election. Were we moving into a―post-racial phase of American race relationships? Or was this a demographic phenomenon, driven by the infusion of new, largely young voters who were more racially and ethnically diverse than voting populations had been in the past. One indicator that this was a by-product of demographic changes was the fact that while Obama had won handedly, he had done so with only 55 % of the White vote. Indeed, the voting population had―changed color in demographic terms, suggesting a new social significance of an increasingly diverse population. This chapter aims to bring into focus some of the core themes of the United States race/ethnic demography. Since 2000, there has been a veritable explosion of edited volumes, books, and articles that provide comprehensive overviews of race/ethnicity. Trends from the 2010 Census are likely to produce as many volumes to document the changes. This chapter aims to provide an overview of much of that work and provide a few key updates in those trends. Therefore race/ethnic demography is centered on understanding three thematic issues, the ever-changing population composition by race/ethnicity, indicators of racial inequality, the complexity of race/ethnic identity.
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Notes
- 1.
The information gathered is similar to the—long-form Census questionnaire. Unlike the—snapshot provided by the decennial census, the ACS is an on-going monthly survey that gains information from approximately two million households a year. These data are—…period estimates that average 12, 36, and 60 months of data, respectively for a 1, 3-, and 5 years periods (National Research Council 2007: 1), therefore they are more akin to averages across that time period.
- 2.
Identifying these counts and distributions as averages across a time period is the preferred way of referring to the information derived from the 3 year estimates (National Research Council 2007: 62).
- 3.
Hispanics are technically identified as an ethnic group that may be of any race. However, it is highly common for demographers enumerating race to include this group among other racial populations under the label of race/ethnic group.
- 4.
Over 40 % of the Hispanics population reported their race as—Some Other Race in 1990 and 2000, although this figure diminishes somewhat as of the most recent estimate. The percentage of Hispanics selecting—some other race is 43 % in 1990, 42.5 % in 2000, and 37 % in 2006 to 2008 (calculation by author).
- 5.
The emergence of slave codes, laws specifically applied to slaves, nullified any capacity to become citizens, in that slaves could not vote, own land, bear arms, marry, socialized with free blacks, leave their plantations without master’s permission, among other indignities. This status extended to free blacks as well, as they were categorically defined as non-citizens by lying outside of the definition of—free white persons.
- 6.
For example, in 1871 Congress enacted legislation that served to destroy tribal sovereignty. This policy was later amended in 1934 by the Indian Reorganization Act, which granted the American Indian population the ability to organize for its common welfare. Later, United States government the special status of many tribes, and 61 tribes were officially terminated (Snipp 1992; Thornton 2001).
- 7.
The most well-known of the private schools was the Carlisle Indian School that aimed to educate and remove all traces of cultural knowledge. Colleges, such as Dartmouth, Harvard College, and William and Mary, held charters which specified intent to educate and civilize the American Indian population (Thornton 2001).
- 8.
During this brief period, an estimated 40,000 Blacks were granted 40 acres of land under General Sherman (known as “40 acres and a mule”) and several southern states included newly elected Black delegates. However, these attempts were short lived as Blacks were removed from the land by president Andrew Johnson (Feagin 2000).
- 9.
Despite never being defined as non-white, as Foley (1999) outlines Mexicans have lived under—Jim Crow like circumstances, particularly within the southwestern States.
- 10.
It bears noting that Asians were banned from intermarriage with laws as strict as those applied to African Americans (Moran 2001).
- 11.
For example, rates of infant mortality and adult mortality are highly sensitive to the level of concentrated poverty and adjusting for the fact that African Americans more often occupy impoverished neighborhoods goes a long way to explain the Black-White gap. Other research has found consistently that perceiving racial bias, regardless of a person’s social class, corresponds to higher rates of depression, hypertension, and lower self-rated health, regardless of their socioeconomic background (Paradies 2006).
- 12.
- 13.
- 14.
By ideologies, I refer to the same definition adopted by Bonilla-Silva et al. (2004) who define it as “…broad racial frameworks or grids that racial groups use to make sense of the world, to decide what is right or wrong, true or false, important or unimportant” (p. 556). While this provides the context and rationalization for racially discriminatory action, it is conceptually distinct from treatment.
- 15.
Reclassification affected the enumeration of same-sex couples in 1990 who reported themselves as married, and persons selecting more than one race on their 1990 Census form were also reclassified as monoracial (Saperstien 2006).
- 16.
The first case appears in the first U.S. Census by employing the three-fifths compromise where slaves were counted as three-fifths of a person to equalize representation between the slave states of the South and the Northern territories (Nobles 2000).
- 17.
Hill (2002) finds the intriguing pattern that Whites perceive less phenotype variation among African Americans than African Americans do themselves and that Whites will rate African American’s skin color as darker than an African American individual will rate their own skin.
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Bratter, J.L. (2015). The Demography of Race and Ethnicity in the United States. In: Sáenz, R., Embrick, D., Rodríguez, N. (eds) The International Handbook of the Demography of Race and Ethnicity. International Handbooks of Population, vol 4. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-90-481-8891-8_3
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