Abstract
While individuals and movements openly advocating “Buddhist socialism” only begin to appear in Japan in the first decade of the twentieth century, germs of the idea can be traced back to the writings of a few scholars and social activists of the 1880s. One example of the latter is the Eastern (or Oriental) Socialist Party (Tōyō Shakaitō 東洋社会党), founded by TARUI Tōkichi 樽井藤吉 (1850–1922) in 1882. Though the party was short-lived – setting a dubious precedent for left-wing parties over the next 50 years in being forcibly suppressed by the government within months of its inception – the writings of Tarui and other founding members were, for their day, quite radical, and provide an early example of the tension involved in attempting to transform the world – “make it new!” to use the modernist catchphrase – while remaining true to one’s cultural (and religious) roots. The “draft of the party’s regulations” (J. Tōyō Shakaitō tōsoku sōan 東洋社会党党則草案), written by Tarui, contains 17 articles, along with a number of sub-clauses. Here, we see several of the tensions that would haunt Japanese experiments in progressive and radical Buddhism over the next several decades. First is the natural but difficult attempt to “indigenize” socialism by appealing to traditional Asian concepts and ideas; second is the appeal to the East Asian values of peace and harmony, which was frequently accompanied, among early socialists, with an appeal to the Emperor as benevolent protector of the social welfare of the Japanese people. This essay will explore socialist movements and their connection to Buddhist ideas in modern Japan.
This chapter has appeared in slightly different form in my book, Against Harmony: Progressive and Radical Buddhism in Modern Japan (Oxford 2017).
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Notes
- 1.
As Steven Large rightly notes, though much has been written on the connections between Christianity and socialism in modern Japan, very little attention has been paid to the Buddhist equivalent, despite the fact that there exists “a modern Japanese Buddhist tradition of protest comparable in kind if not in scale to that found in Japanese Christianity” (Large 1987: 153). In fact, surprisingly little scholarly attention has been given to the topic of Buddhist socialism on a broader scale – and what does exist tends to focus on economics more than politics; for example, E. F. Schumacher’s chapter on “Buddhist economics” in Small is Beautiful and P. A. Payutto’s 1992 essay of the same name (Schumacher 1973).
- 2.
Spencer discourses on this topic in chapter nine of his Social Statics (1851), “The Right to the Use of the Earth,” a work that would have tremendous influence on both modern China and Japan (see Akamatsu 1952: 11).
- 3.
“如是迦葉仏所説法 譬如大雲以一味雨 潤於人華各得成実” (“In this way, Kashyapa, the Dharma spoken by the Buddha Is like that great cloud with rain of a single flavor. It moistens all the people and flowers so each one bears fruit”) (T 9.262.0020b18–b19).
- 4.
He founded the Japanese Communist Party in 1922.
- 5.
Takagi in the following discussion of Yo ga shakaishugi I have used Robert Rhodes’s translation, while adding fragments from the original Japanese as necessary (Takagi 2002 54).
- 6.
See Wagatsuma for a record of the High Treason Incident (Wagatsuma 1969).
- 7.
Interestingly, while Katayama was sympathetic to religious forms of socialism, Sakai and Kōtoku represent the more radical and explicitly anti-religious extreme of the various left-wing movements of the day. Kōtoku’s final work, Kirisuto Massatsuron キリスト抹殺論, is a blistering critique of the myth of Jesus Christ, while Sakai would go on to co-found the Japan Anti-Religion Alliance (J. Nihon Hanshūkyō Dōmei 日本反宗教同盟).As anarchist ŌSUGI Sakae 大杉栄 (1885–1923) relates in his autobiography, among the four acknowledged leaders of the Heiminsha – Kōtōku, Sakai, NISHIKAWA Kōjirō 西川光二郎 (1876–1940) and ISHIKAWA Sanshirō 石川三四郎 (1876–1956) – only the last “did not despise religion.” At the same time, however, Ōsugi notes the outside support of Christian socialists like ABE Iso’o 安部磯雄 (1865–1949) and KINOSHITA Naoe 木下尚江 (1869–1937), and remarks: “the majority of the youths who came in were Christians. After all, Christian ideas were the most progressive in the intellectual world of the day” (Ōsugi 1992: 121–122).
- 8.
MŌRI Saian, Shingon priest, journalist and publisher of the socialist newspaper Murō shinpō 牟婁新報, founded in 1900. A member of the New Buddhist Fellowship (Shin Bukkyō Dōshikai) 新佛教同志會, who was sympathetic to the Heiminsha, Mōri was arrested and jailed at one point for slandering an official (see Ōko’uchi and Matsuo 1965: 159–62). Another New Buddhist, SUZUKI Teitarō (Daisetsu) 鈴木貞太郎 (大拙) (1870–1966) – known to the Anglophone world as D. T. Suzuki – also sympathized with socialism for much of his life, until the mid-1930s, when the danger of such affiliations increased significantly. At the same time – as with many other Buddhist progressives of late Meiji – Suzuki’s early work show a distinctly nationalist flavor, while the politics of his wartime writings remain a matter of fierce debate (see Victoria 1997, 2003; Satō 2008; Satō and Kirchner 2010).
- 9.
- 10.
See also Ishikawa, for a treatment of Gudō and the nationalist Sōtō Zen priest TAKEDA Hanshi 竹田範之 (1864–1911) (Ishikawa 1998). Bizarrely, Gudō even appears briefly in Christopher Hitchens’s recent bestselling text/rant: God is not Great: How Religion Poisons Everything, where Hitchens, citing a short passage from Victoria, claims that Gudō, supposedly one of the “good guys,” uses language that smacks of superstition, paternalism, and conformity, and thus reveals himself as little better than the other collaborators in Victoria’s text, or than equally deluded Western religionists, for that matter. Hitchens’s conclusion about Buddhism would hardly bear repeating, were it not disturbingly common in the West among lettered and unlettered alike: “A faith that despises the mind and the free individual, that preaches submission and resignation, and that regards life as a poor and transient thing, is ill-equipped for self-criticism. Those who become bored by conventional ‘Bible’ religions, and seek ‘enlightenment’ by way of the dissolution of their own critical faculties into nirvana in any form, had better take a warning. They may think they are leaving the realm of despised materialism, but they are still being asked to put their reason to sleep, and to discard their minds along with their sandals” (Hitchens 2007: 200–204).
- 11.
- 12.
See Walthall, for more on the legend of SAKURA Sōgoro (Walthall 1991). Victoria mistakenly refers to Sakura as a “social reformer” whose “thinking” inspired the young Gudō; in fact it was the story of Sōgo-sama that was the inspiration.
- 13.
According to the collective research and statistical work of AOKI Kōji, YOKOHAMA Toshio, and YAMANAKA Kiyotaka, Echigo was one of only six provinces (out of 71), to experience more than 100 ikki 一揆 (armed peasant revolts) between 1590 and 1867. As Bix notes, memories of this legacy ran deep within the collective cultural bloodstream: “The traditions and practice of dramatic human sacrifice, of people victimized on behalf of their village communities, helped peasants realize the righteousness of their cause and sustained them in pursuing it” (Bix 1986: xxiv–xxv).
- 14.
Ishikawa notes, in particular, the “germination of the idea of the ‘self’ of ‘self-awakening’” in Gudō’s Heibon no jikaku (Ordinary Self-Awakening), which may have come from Inoue. Ishikawa (1998: 99).
- 15.
Whereas Victoria’s remarks come across as somewhat dismissive of the intellectual work of these activist monks, YOSHIDA Kyō’ichi goes to the other extreme, proclaiming that, “Uchiyama Gudō was not a thinker like Kōtoku [Shūsui]. His socialist and anarchist ideas emerged from his experience” (Yoshida 1992: 402). Here Gudō is presented as a something more than “merely” an armchair radical. While this is quite right, we must not get too caught up with the idea that one must either be an “activist” or a “thinker” – but not both. Yoshida is quite right in his work (originally published in 1959) to call for more research on the theoretical connections between Buddhism and political theories such as socialism and anarchism (401). Also see Ishikawa, who argues: “the liberating ideas of Uchiyama present many suggestions that provide a connection between modern and contemporary Buddhism.” (Ishikawa 1998: 104)
- 16.
Bix notes the increase in the power of landlord families over tenants throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, citing it as the primary reason for the growth of peasant riots during the same period (Bix 1986: xx).
- 17.
On this issue, Yoshida argues that both Gudō and ITŌ Shoshin shared a fundamental belief in the difference between “the way of original Buddhism” (J. bukkyō honrai no michi 仏教本来の道) and the forms of sectarian Buddhism existent in Meiji Japan (Yoshida 1992: 406). This idea was a staple of Buddhist modernists from early Meiji.
- 18.
Interestingly, Gudō seems to have arrived at his preference for anarchism prior to KŌTOKU Shūsui’s famous lecture at Kinkikan Hall in Kanda, Tokyo, on June 28, 1906, entitled “The Tide of the World Revolutionary Movement” (Sekai kakumei undō no chōryū 世界革命運動の潮流) in which the founder of the Heimin-sha announced his break with social democratic (that is, parliamentary) tactics in favor of revolutionary syndicalism, effecting an irrevocable split in Japan’s young socialist movement (see Notehelfer 1971: 133–137).
- 19.
Translation is from Victoria, with modifications by the author (Victoria 1997: 40–41).
- 20.
Although it is often said that Gudō, following the lead of KŌTOKU Shūsui and SAKAI Toshihiko, abandoned socialism for anarchism, in fact he never makes a clear theoretical distinction between anarchism, socialism, or communism – just as he never makes a clear distinction between Buddhism and these radical economic and political theories (see Yoshida 1992: 405).
- 21.
- 22.
See, for example, Sallie King, who argues against the Critical Buddhists that Buddha nature is both “impeccably Buddhist” and useful as a foundation for Engaged Buddhism (King 1991, 1997). Ishikawa notes the similarities between Gudō and Dr. B. R. Ambedkar (1891–1956) on the issue of employing Buddhist teachings to battle discrimination and promote social equality, as well as the struggle to connect Marxism and Buddhism. Of course, as Ishikawa rightly notes, Ambedkar was working on the basis of Theravāda (as Ishikawa has it: “original” or gensho 原初仏教) Buddhism, and thus could not appeal to the specific doctrine of Buddha nature. Also, whereas Ambedkar eventually abandoned Marxism in favor of Buddhism, Gudō, like TAKAGI Kenmyō and SENO’O Girō, sought to fuse them together (Ishikawa 1998: 100).
- 23.
See also Crump who too-readily dismisses such claims as “bizarre” (Crump 1983: 29). Although he avoids the term socialism, well-known pre- and postwar Buddhist historian TSUJI Zennosuke 辻善之助 (1877–1955) writes of the “social welfare” foundations of the imperial state – and thus of the Japanese as a whole – in several books translated in English by the Japanese Red Cross Society in the early 1930s (and thus presumably for foreign consumption) (see Tsuji 1932). Moreover, this tendency to give traditional precedents for socialism can be found in a number of influential late-nineteenth-century Western works dealing with socialism, including William Graham’s Socialism New and Old (1890), which discovers socialism in the work of Solon, the Jewish Jubilee, and the English Poor Laws; see Graham (1890).
- 24.
This preamble was apparently proposed by KATAYAMA Sen, who, like ABE Iso’o happened to be a Christian as well as a socialist. While we might thus attribute the lingering imperialism of early Japanese socialism to the religious sensibilities of its leaders, I believe this would be a mistake, since it appears that such feelings were also widely shared among secular socialists, at least until after the Russo-Japanese War, when we see the first emergence of anti-imperial radicalism in the writings of KŌTOKU Shūsui and UCHIYAMA Gudō.
- 25.
Along these lines, just as they have always been scholars who question the “authenticity” of the transmission of Buddhism to Japan (or, more recently, to the United States), so too we encounter scholars who question the legitimacy of Japanese socialism; Crump, a self-proclaimed “real socialist,” stands at the forefront of these, when he claims that “the vast majority of ideas in Japan which at different times have been labeled ‘socialist’ have been nothing of the sort. The same goes for the groups and the parties (and indeed, the individuals) who have embodied these ideas… The last thing to have crossed most of their minds is the perspective of constructing a genuinely new society which would be worthy of the title socialism” (Crump 1983: xi–xii).
- 26.
- 27.
While Lai’s study is significant for providing the first English analysis of Seno’o’s thought, it is riddled with psychological generalizations that limit its usefulness. The only other English-language study of Seno’o and the Youth League is that of Steven Large which, though solid, does not delve very deeply into the philosophy or ethics of Seno’o’s Buddhist socialism (Large 1987).
- 28.
Leaving aside the residual anti-Buddhist rhetoric emerging from proponents of State Shinto, the two most significant hanshūkyō 反宗教 movements of this period were the Nihon Hanshūkyō Dōmei 日本反宗教同盟 (Japan Anti-Religion Alliance), led by SAKAI Toshihiko and TAKATSU Seidō 高津正道 (1893–1974), and the Nihon Sentoteki Mushinronsha Dōmei 日本戦闘的無神論者同盟 (Japan Militant Atheists’ Alliance), established by AKITA Ujaku 秋田雨雀 (1883–1962) (see Honma 1971).
- 29.
On both of these points, Seno’o may have been thinking of, and no doubt regretting, some of his own words as a proponent of Nichirenism. In various pieces in the journal Wakōdo 若人, he had argued for precisely such positions (e.g., Seno’o 1975: 13, 48) – positions which, as Lai (1984: 17) notes, are doctrinally sound according to the metaphysical idealism inherent in mainstream Tendai-Nichiren thought.
- 30.
Zhiyi 智顗 (538–597), the third patriarch and principal systemizer of Chinese Tiantai, developed the notion that the Three Marks of Existence (S. trilakṣaṇa; C. sānxiàng 三相) found in traditional (“Hīnayāna”) Buddhism had been superseded by the Mahāyāna One Real Mark (S. ekalakṣaṇa; C. yīxiàng 一相).
- 31.
See Nichiren’s Risshō Ankoku-ron 立証案国論 for the best expression of his religio-political vision (Nichiren 1990).
- 32.
More controversially, it also involves a commitment to “breaking off” the false and erroneous views of others – a practice known within the Nichiren tradition as shakubuku 折伏, one for which the new religious movement and Nichiren offshoot Sōka Gakkai 創価学会 has been roundly criticized. Sōka Gakkai has of late – no doubt in response to public criticism – turned away from shakubuku towards a principle of shōju 聖衆, which seeks unity between religions.
- 33.
Although this concept may not initially seem reflective of Nichiren’s particular vision of politico-religious alignment, it, in fact, harks back to Nichiren’s warnings that Japan’s leaders were in danger of losing their mandate due to their lack of attention to the True Dharma.
- 34.
One exception to this is, interestingly, the earliest account of “komumiyunisume” and “soshiarisume” to appear in Japan, a critical report by statesman and educator Baron KATŌ Hiroyuki 加藤弘之 (1836–1916), a leading figure of the early Meiji Civilization and Enlightenment (Bunmei Kaika 文明開化) movement – and opponent of FUKAZAWA Yukichi. In a work entitled Shinsei Tai-i 真政大意 (Outline of New Government), published in 1870, Katō associated both socialism and communism with state control (finding their roots in ancient Sparta), and concluding that while “what lies behind it is earnest idealism… the severity of such a system would, in fact, be unbearable. Nothing could go farther than this in restricting (people’s) customary feelings of freedom and their rights…” (Akamatsu 1952: 6–7).
- 35.
“Tenantry in the Japanese countryside was not something that developed with capitalism, but it had its origins in the inequality of premodern times” (Jansen 2000, 113).
- 36.
- 37.
See, for example Katayama’s “Shokkō shokun ni yosu 職工諸君によす” (Summons to the Workers), which reads as a complex mix of international workers’ solidarity, anti-foreign sentiment, and anti-revolutionary paternalist moralizing (Katayama and Nishikawa 1952: 18–22).
- 38.
Though Seno’o would later criticize Kiyozawa’s “spiritualism” for not paying enough attention to material needs, he generally agreed with the Shin sect reformer’s conviction that materialism by itself was insufficient for true social change (see Seno’o 1975: 386). In this way, as Lai notes, Seno’o’s vision was similar to Tolstoy’s Christian socialism Lai (1984: 40).
- 39.
One way to avoid getting bogged down with the issue of determining the precise meaning of “socialism” and “socialist” is to employ an alternative term – “radical.” We might define “radical” as comprising any position that is: (a) politically engaged; and (b) in opposition to the hegemonic ideology (or ideologies) of any given period. Thus, a “radical Buddhist” is a person engaged in the explicit or implicit use of Buddhist doctrines or principles to foment resistance to the state. The views and activities of radical Buddhists may fall all over the political spectrum – though they tend towards the extremes, for obvious reasons. One of the benefits of the term “radical Buddhism” is that it is context-dependent, and thus frees us from having to make normative claims about the legitimacy or authenticity of these theories and practices in relation to standards of Marxism, socialism, anarchism, fascism, left, right and so on.
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Shields, J.M. (2019). Carrying Buddha into the Streets: Buddhist Socialist Thought in Modern Japan. In: Kopf, G. (eds) The Dao Companion to Japanese Buddhist Philosophy. Dao Companions to Chinese Philosophy, vol 8. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-90-481-2924-9_9
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