Abstract
Have artistic interventions in public space run out of power? Following a first wave in the 1970s, public interventionist art re-emerged in the mid-90s outside the mainstream of the art world as the method of choice for artists with strong intentions to induce real changes in society. Most of them have very little impact since they either address very specific milieus that are confined to local communities or they get absorbed by the self-enclosed art world. In the present chapter, we ask to what extent the strong media resonance generated by the 2015 intervention art action “The Dead are Coming” by of the Center for Political Beauty (CPB, Zentrum für politische Schönheit) can be understood as by the quasi-argumentative power of this action. This intervention is especially interesting because it generated considerable coverage in the media and mobilised and polarised thousands of citizens as well as politicians, thereby making a noticeable impact on public policy in the context of what became framed as Germany’s “refugee crisis”. We explain how we understand “discursive power”, rhetorical forces and the “forces of good reasons” within the framework of a discourse theory: Discursive power refers to forms of power of actors to deliberately change convictions of correctness through communicative means. Convictions of correctness are those opinions of persons of whose correctness they are convinced because they consider their reasons for these opinions to be so good that the persons concerned identify with these reasons personally, and also publicly.
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Notes
- 1.
In 2000, theater director and performance artist Christoph Schlingensief installed a container during the Wiener Festwochen in an allusion to the television show “Big Brother”. Inside the container asylum seekers were placed. By voting, the audience could decide which participant had to leave the container and the country. The project was launched under the title Foreigners Out! Schlingensief's Container. Film-director Paul Poet documented the entire event. The “container” mentioned in the title is a polemical allusion to the containers that figure in the trashy TV show “Big Brother” for housing the candidates. For documentation cf. Lilienthal and Philipp (2000).
- 2.
By “normatively desirable,” we mean desirable not merely in the way of subjective preferences but for normative reasons, i.e. for reasons that carry intersubjectively shareable convictions how one ought (or ought not) do something one actually does or could intend to do.
- 3.
Allegedly, the artist group on their way had to endure chicanery from Bavarian police on accusation of consumption of illegal drugs.
- 4.
- 5.
Quoting Süddeutsche Zeitung journalist Sonja Zekri (Center for Political Beauty, n.d.).
- 6.
- 7.
This point is, of course, contested. We hold that postulates of “structural” power and similar non-agent views of power and power-relations confuse potentials of forces with actual power.
- 8.
- 9.
Two caveats: (1) In the above formulation, “person” includes all persons who exercises good sense or have reason. (2) Recognition of some reason as so-and-so good may be bounded recognition: a reason can be a good reason in relation to some finite community of rational evaluators and a bad reason in relation to other some finite community of rational evaluators.
- 10.
To illustrate: if for more or less all my friends the fear of a Covid-19 infection has come to count as a good enough reason to carefully evade this topic in conversation, and if someone from “outside” is puzzled by how I talk round Covid-19 in conversation then I will perhaps justify with utter conviction my comportment by pointing out that “since we find the whole thing very disquieting” we would prefer not to talk about it at all.
- 11.
The normative notion of argumentative discourse as in “discourse ethics” (cf. Kettner 2006).
- 12.
That good reasons bear these four structural relations can partly be explained in inferential role semantic accounts of meaning, e.g. in Robert Brandom’s inferentialism (Brandom 2000).
- 13.
CPB describes itself as “an assault team that establishes moral beauty, political poetry and human greatness while aiming to preserve humanitarianism. The group’s basic understanding is that the legacy of the Holocaust is rendered void by political apathy, the rejection of refugees and cowardice. It believes that Germany should not only learn from its history but also take action. The Center for Political Beauty engages in the most innovative forms of political performance art—an expanded approach to theatre: art must hurt, provoke, and rise in revolt. In one basic alliance of terms: aggressive humanism” (Center for Political Beauty About, n.d..). For observations on aggressive humanism see also Honnacker 2016.
- 14.
Quoting Ruch: “The term aggressive humanism merges two concepts that have commonly been deemed incompatible: European humanism and aggression. Occidental humanism was the epitome of human love, benevolence and friendliness. It vindicated the position of education, love and benevolentia with decidedly friendly means” (Zentrum für politische Schönheit 2015).
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Bertrand-Höttcke, A., Kettner, M. (2022). “The Dead are Coming”. Contemporary Interventionist Art, Political Beauty, and the Power of Reason. In: Gaupp, L., Barber-Kersovan, A., Kirchberg, V. (eds) Arts and Power. Kunst und Gesellschaft. Springer VS, Wiesbaden. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-37429-7_14
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